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#46 | ||
Ocean Warrior
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#47 |
Soaring
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We have been there a million of times. And it is impossible to argue with someone who seriously believes an impeachmeent becasue of a lie about a sexually delictae thing is as serious and even more serious than war, the death of tens of thousands, and the destruction of a complete country. Such a person's scales and values are too insane, and too much messed up.
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#48 | |||
Ocean Warrior
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1. It looks like your nation is full of liars, Skybird.
http://archives.cnn.com/2001/WORLD/e.../iraq.weapons/ Quote:
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2. It look like the UK has a bit of an integrity problem too. http://www.cnsnews.com/ViewForeignBu...20030826d.html 3. Hans Blix is a dirty liar too. Quote:
http://www.freedomagenda.com/iraq/wmd_quotes.html You lose. Last edited by Sea Demon; 08-19-06 at 06:09 AM. |
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#49 | |
Ocean Warrior
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Last edited by Sea Demon; 08-19-06 at 06:16 AM. |
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#50 |
Soaring
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Bye-bye, SD.
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#51 | |
Ocean Warrior
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It looks like you're the target for your own original quote about "horses to water". Last edited by Sea Demon; 08-19-06 at 06:51 AM. |
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#52 | |||
Ace of the Deep
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3) The Chinese hardly makes it a secret they want Taiwan back. Hell, if those 700 missiles force the Taiwanese to capitulate without a shot being fired, that would be the highest victory, no? Quote:
Regarding that tangential debate that's dominating the thread now, I'd just point out briefly that it is impossible to prove motive, short of using brain scans which we don't have the tech for and which will be a major invasion of privacy. Even if you directly bribed me in plain sight of the world, there is no way anyone can really prove your bribe is what motivated me to do something that just benefits to benefit you. All you can do is show that there is a motive, and that's generally considered adequate and in fact has to be due to limitations in our ability to acquire such knowledge. |
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#53 | |
Navy Seal
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Examples: His domestic proceedings have stood in direct opposition to civil liberties. This is outside of the Neo-Conservative doctrine. He is firmly grounded in the Evangelical Right, as seen with his stance on stem-cell research. Again, contra to Neo-Conservatism. He has no stance on civil rights, a conerstone of Neo-Conservatism. He continues to overtly aid Israel, also counter to Neo-Con thought. Finally, he has no 'Big Stick' policy that is the hallmark of Neo-Conservatism. In fact, he is outright inconsistant. His administration was hostile to the Hussein regime. Outside of a few words of rhetoric, seemingly indifferent to the threats of Iran and North Korea, and downright friendly with Saudi Arabia. Teddy must be spinning in his grave. EDIT: Scandium feels well enough to discuss politics. It is a good sign that he is on the mend. I am glad to see it. Last edited by Takeda Shingen; 08-19-06 at 07:48 AM. |
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#54 | |||
Ocean Warrior
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I'm not a Clintonite. I said put it in perspective. He lied about a blowjob! You also forgot to mention he gave pardons to criminals for money when he was leaving office. Go back through history on political lies and presidential mistresses. Also to me a lie is a lie. A countries leadership (Executive, Congressional and Senate) should be honest 100% of the time. Having to raise your your right hand should not have anything to do with it. It's disgusting to me that people think it's okay for our leadership to lie unless they raise there right hand. Show's where our values have gone. On Bush and Iraq, to steal from TS: Quote:
Last edited by bradclark1; 08-19-06 at 10:38 AM. |
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#55 |
The Old Man
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Nice Move from China!
![]() But seriously, i can imagine why he said it. Imagine yourself ye are the Chinese President (or however its Called there) and america Says in your face: "Could you please stop Arming your Nation and stop your Nuclear Weapons Programm to avoid you one day might actually be able to defend against us or defy our will! ![]() I'm sure some of you would response: "STFU America!" :p ![]() ![]() I would. ![]() |
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#56 |
Rear Admiral
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Enough said:
-S PS. It didn't transfer perfectly, so use the link for the weapon statistics. http://www.globalfirepower.com/chinese_report.asp CHINA'S SHOW OF FORCE FOR TAIWAN Excerpts from the Annual Report to Congress. Notable points in RED. Trends in China's Strategy in the Asia-Pacific and Other Regions of the World In 2004, China became more active in the global arena, deploying its growing political and economic weight to increase its influence not only regionally but globally. China's decision to deploy peacekeepers to Haiti and its growing engagement in Latin America are emblematic of this effort. In the Asia-Pacific region, some of its diplomacy was geared to regional institutions that would exclude the United States. Globally, competition with Taiwan and constraining Taiwan's international profile are important elements of China's foreign and diplomatic strategy, particularly among developing countries.
China continued to deploy its most advanced systems to the military regions directly opposite Taiwan. These new weapon systems represent significant improvements from the older, less capable hardware that remains the bulk of China's inventory. To realize the potential in the technologically advanced equipment, China's armed forces are attempting to integrate the systems into the force structure, develop modern doctrine and tactics, and improve training and exercises.
Space and Counterspace Beijing has focused on building the infrastructure to develop advanced space-based C4ISR and targeting capabilities. Building a modern ISR architecture is likely one of the primary drivers behind Beijing's space endeavors and a critical component of its overall C4ISR modernization efforts. Beijing's ongoing space-based programs with potential military applications include:
Anti-Satellite Weapons (ASATs) China is working on, and plans to field, ASAT systems. Beijing has and will continue to enhance its satellite tracking and identification network - the first step in establishing a credible ASAT capability. China can currently destroy or disable satellites only by launching a ballistic missile or space-launch vehicle armed with a nuclear weapon. However, there are many risks associated with this method, and consequences from use of nuclear weapons. China is also conducting research to develop ground-based laser ASAT weapons. Based on the level of Chinese interest in this field, the Defense Intelligence Agency believes Beijing eventually could develop a laser weapon capable of damaging or destroying satellites. At lower power thresholds, Chinese researchers may believe that low-energy lasers can "blind" sensors on low-Earth-orbiting satellites; whether Beijing has tested such a capability is unclear. Anti-Secession Law On March 14, 2005, China's legislature, the National People's Congress, passed the "antisecession law." The law's passage followed months of speculation by outside observers over its contents and a simultaneous lobbying effort on the part of Chinese officials to cast the law in benign terms, while closely guarding the draft of the text. The law itself is broken into ten articles that codify, or render as legal instruments, policies and statements applied by the Chinese government to the Taiwan question. Key elements are described below. Article One establishes that the law was formulated for the purpose of "opposing and checking Taiwan's secession from China."Article Two restates Beijing's "One China" definition - Taiwan is part of China - and that China "shall never allow" Taiwan to secede from China "under any name or by any means."Article Three asserts that the Taiwan matter is part of China's internal affairs and is subject to "no interference by outside forces."Article Four states that China's reunification is the "sacred duty" of "all Chinese people," including "Taiwan compatriots."Article Five reiterates China's position that acceptance of "One China" is a necessary precondition for peaceful resolution. It does not refer to the "one country, two systems" model, but claims Taiwan would "practice systems different from those on the mainland."Article Six enumerates the steps Beijing is willing to take to realize peaceful unification, such as expanding cross-Strait exchanges, including cultural, economic, educational, science and technology, health, and sports exchanges. It also refers to "other activities" conducive to peace and stability, but does not offer details.Article Seven specifies the range of issues that would be subject to negotiation during cross-Strait consultations. The article states such negotiations would be on an "equal footing."Article Eight states the State Council and CMC "shall decide on and execute" non-peaceful means to "protect China's sovereignty and territorial integrity" if "secessionist forces . . .cause the fact of Taiwan's secession from China," if "major incidents entailing Taiwan's secession" occur, or if "possibilities for peaceful reunification" are exhausted.Article Nine provides that during conflict, China will "exert its utmost" to protect lives, property, and rights of Taiwan civilians and foreign nationals on Taiwan, and the rights of Taiwan citizens in other parts of China.Article Ten specifies that the law comes into force on the day of its proclamation.China continues to declare a policy of peaceful resolution under the "one country, two systems" framework that offers Taiwan limited autonomy in exchange for Taiwan's integration with the mainland. China sees the potential use of force as an integral part of its policy of dissuading Taiwan from pursuing independence and encouraging it to unite ultimately with the mainland. Beijing has not renounced the use of force against Taiwan. The threat of force against Taiwan is now codified in the "anti-secession law," enacted by the National People's Congress in March 2005. The circumstances in which Beijing has historically claimed it would use force against the island include: a formal declaration of independence by Taipei, foreign intervention in Taiwan's internal affairs, indefinite delays in the resumption of cross-Strait dialogue, Taiwan's acquisition of nuclear weapons, and internal unrest on Taiwan. These circumstances are not fixed and have evolved over the last decade in response to Taiwan actions and changes in China's own military capabilities. They are, moreover, deliberately general, allowing Beijing to determine the timing and form of its response. Beijing's Courses of Action against Taiwan Although the costs of the use of force against Taiwan would be high, Beijing leaders might use force if they believed they had no other way to prevent Taiwan independence or, as implied in its "anti-secession law," to guarantee reunification over the long term. The Chinese Communist Party came to power on its credentials as a defender of Chinese sovereignty; its leaders appear to see progress - or perhaps, the absence of failure - on the Taiwan issue as affecting the legitimacy of their rule. Beijing is developing military capabilities that will enable it to pursue several courses of action against Taiwan, allowing Chinese leaders more flexibility to apply pressure against the island and minimize the risks of a military confrontation with the United States. The PLA is simultaneously developing the capability to deter and/or slow a potential U.S., or U.S.-led, response to defend Taiwan. Persuasion and Coercion. China's current approach to preventing Taiwan independence combines diplomatic, economic, legal, psychological, and military instruments to convince Taipei that the price of declaring independence is too high. This strategy combines the credible threat to use military force with the economic and cultural tools that China has at its disposal. China uses its growing economic links with Taiwan to influence political behavior on the island. Beijing seeks to attract more Taiwan investment in China, while emphasizing that peace in the Strait will bring prosperity. Beijing is increasing its pressure on Taiwan businessmen operating in China to refrain from supporting "pro-independence" parties or individuals on Taiwan. Beijing emphasizes historic, ethnic, and cultural links between Taiwan and the mainland, and unofficial diplomacy with "Taiwan compatriots" to generate domestic propaganda in Taiwan in favor of reunification. Beijing has also intensified its competition with Taiwan in the developing world for diplomatic recognition. This effort has focused on eroding Taiwan's diplomatic support among the 26 remaining countries that recognize Taipei. Simultaneously, using diplomatic and commercial levers, China has increased pressure on other states to limit their relationships with and to restrain Taiwan. Portraying a military threat to Taiwan backstops the overall campaign to isolate Taiwan diplomatically and pressure Taiwan leaders. Exercises, deployments, and press operations all contribute to Beijing's policy of pressure. Limited Force Options. Beijing could use limited strikes, employing information operations, special operations forces on Taiwan, and SRBM or air strikes at key military or political sites, to try to break the will of Taiwan's leadership and population. Although Beijing might view these as a complement to non-military coercion and as less than a full use of force, others may view such actions differently. Such a Chinese miscalculation could lead to a full-fledged conflict. Nuclear Weapon/High-Altitude EMP Option. Some PLA theorists are aware of the electromagnetic effects of using a high-altitude nuclear burst to generate high-altitude electromagnetic pulse (HEMP), and might consider using HEMP as an unconventional attack, believing the United States and other nations would not interpret it as a use of force and as crossing the nuclear threshold. This capability would most likely be used as part of a larger campaign to intimidate, if not decapitate, the Taiwan leadership. HEMP causes a substantial change in the ionization of the upper atmosphere, including the ionosphere and magnetosphere. These effects likely would result in the degradation of important war fighting capabilities, such as key communication links, radar transmissions, and the full spectrum of electro-optic sensors. Additional effects could include severe disruptions to civil electric/power and transportation. These effects cannot easily be localized to Taiwan and would likely affect the mainland, Japan, the Philippines, and commercial shipping and air routes in the region. Such a campaign could include computer network attacks against Taiwan's political, military, and economic infrastructure to undermine the Taiwan population's confidence in its leadership. Simultaneously, PLA special operations forces infiltrated into Taiwan could conduct acts of economic, political, and military sabotage. The PLA could also use limited, coordinated SRBM, special operations forces, and air strikes against air fields, radars, and communications facilities on Taiwan. Beijing could use the shock of rapid, accurate, and coordinated strikes and their effects on Taiwan's key C4ISR nodes to try to push the Taiwan leadership towards accommodation. At the same time, an information operations campaign on multiple levels could be launched to gain legitimacy for Beijing's claims on Taiwan and to reinforce the theme that military operations were limited to key military infrastructure, not the Taiwan people. Air and Missile Campaign. Surprise SRBM attacks and precision air strikes could support a campaign designed to degrade Taiwan defenses, decapitate its military and political leadership, and break its will to fight rapidly before the United States and other nations could intervene. To attempt these effects, China could employ SRBMs to saturate Taiwan's air defense system, including air bases, radar sites, missiles, and communications facilities. Third-Party Intervention Beijing sees Washington and, increasingly, Tokyo as the principal hurdles to any attempt to use military force to coerce or capture Taiwan. Beijing might coerce or target other critical countries to deny or delay their willingness to provide support, basing, overflight rights, or transit authority to U.S. forces operating in the theater. Deterring, defeating, or delaying foreign intervention ahead of Taiwan's capitulation is integral to Beijing's strategy. To that end, Beijing will pursue political and diplomatic efforts to keep the United States and Japan from taking action to support Taiwan. The U.S. Intelligence Community also believes China will consider a sea-denial strategy to attempt to hold at risk U.S. naval forces, including aircraft carriers and logistic forces, approaching the Taiwan Strait. Blockade Beijing could threaten or deploy a naval blockade either as a "non-war" pressure tactic in the pre-hostility phase or as a transition to active conflict. On one end of the spectrum, Beijing could declare that ships en route to Taiwan ports must stop in mainland ports for inspections prior to transiting on to Taiwan. Alternatively, China could attempt the equivalent of a blockade of Taiwan ports by declaring exercise or missile closure areas in approaches and roadsteads to ports to divert merchant traffic. Chinese doctrine also includes activities such as an air blockade, missile attacks, and mining or otherwise obstructing harbors and approaches. More traditional methods of blockade would increase the impact on Taiwan, but also would tax PLA Navy capabilities and raise the potential for direct military confrontation, particularly with U.S. naval assets. Although sea lanes closer to China (i.e., the South and East China Seas) could be interdicted, any attempt at a close-in blockade or operations on the east side of Taiwan would strain the PLA Navy, which lacks significant replenishment and open ocean surveillance capabilities. More restrictive blockades increase the likelihood of international intervention. Although any blockade would have an immediate economic impact, it would take time to realize decisive political results. It would also increase the opportunity for countervailing U.S. and international pressure and could lead to the protracted campaign Beijing seeks to avoid. Amphibious Invasion An invasion of Taiwan would be a complex and difficult operation relying upon timing and pre-conditions set by many subordinate campaigns. Publicly available Chinese writings on amphibious campaigns offer different strategies for an amphibious invasion of Taiwan. The most prominent of these is the Joint Island Landing Campaign. The objective of this campaign is to break through or circumvent the shore defense, establish and build a beachhead, and then launch an attack to split, seize and occupy the entire island or important targets on the island. To achieve the final objective of the Joint Island Landing Campaign, a series of sub-campaigns, such as electronic warfare, naval, and air campaigns, must be executed, including the underlying logistics support. Amphibious operations are logistics-intensive and rely for success upon the rapid buildup of supplies and sustainment ashore and an uninterrupted flow of support thereafter. This particular amphibious operation would tax the lift capacities of China's armed forces needed to provide sustainment for this campaign. Add to these strains the combat attrition of China's forces, and an amphibious invasion of Taiwan would be a significant political and military risk for China's civilian and military leaders. The PLA's prospects in an invasion of Taiwan would hinge on: availability of amphibious and air lift, attrition rates, interoperability of PLA forces, the ability of China's logistic system to support the necessarily high tempo of operations, Taiwan's will to resist, and the speed and scale of third-party intervention. Factors of Deterrence
China is deterred from taking military action against Taiwan on two levels. It does not yet possess the military capability to accomplish with confidence its political objectives on the island, particularly when confronted with outside intervention. Beijing is also deterred by the potential repercussions of any use of force against Taiwan. According to the Defense Intelligence Agency, China's leaders recognize that a war could severely retard economic development. Taiwan is China's single largest source of foreign direct investment. An extended campaign would wreck Taiwan's economic infrastructure, leading to high reconstruction costs. International sanctions against Beijing, either by individual states or by groups of states, could severely damage Beijing's economic development. Conflict with Taiwan could also lead to instability on the mainland. Maintaining internal security in wartime appears to be an important consideration in PLA planning - reflecting leadership concerns about political stability. Failure would almost certainly result in severe repercussions for those in the leadership who had advocated such a course of action. A conflict also would severely hurt the image China has sought to project regionally and globally in recent years. If Beijing chose to use force against Taiwan prior to the 2008 Olympics, China would almost certainly face a boycott or loss of the games. Finally, Beijing must calculate the probability of U.S. intervention in any conflict in the Taiwan Strait. It views the United States as having advantages over China in many scenarios involving the use of military force. China's leaders also calculate a conflict over Taiwan involving the United States would give rise to a long-term hostile relationship between the two nations - a result that would not be in China's interests. Taiwan Strait Military Balance, Air Forces ChinaTaiwanAircraft Total Within range of TaiwanFighters1,500425420Bombers7802800Transport5005040 Note: The PLAAF and PLANAF have a total of around 2,600 combat aircraft: air defense and multi-role fighters, ground attack aircraft, fighter-bombers, and bombers. An additional 470 older fighters and bombers are assigned to PLA flight academies or R&D. The two air arms have over 90 surveillance and reconnaissance aircraft with photographic, surface search, and airborne early warning sensors. The PLAAF and PLANAF have 500 transports. The majority of PLAAF and PLANAF aircraft are based in the eastern part of the country. Currently, more than 700 aircraft could conduct combat operations against Taiwan without refueling. Taiwan has some 400 fighters of various types. Taiwan Strait Military Balance, Ground Forces ChinaTaiwanTaiwan Strait Area TotalPersonnel (Active)1.6 million 375,000200,000Group Armies189 Infantry Divisions/Brigades (including airborne)20/209/110/25Armor Divisions/Brigades10/104/40/5Mech Infantry Divisions/Brigades5/53/10/3Artillery Divisions/Brigades5/153/50/0Marine Divisions/Brigades 0/20/20/3Tanks6,5002,5001,900Artillery Pieces11,0005,5004,400 Note: The PLA active ground forces are organized into Group Armies. Infantry, armor, and artillery units are organized into a combination of divisions and brigades deployed throughout the PLA's seven Military Regions (MRs). A significant portion of these assets are deployed in the Taiwan Strait area, specifically the Nanjing, Guangzhou, and Jinan military regions. In a major Taiwan conflict, personnel, units, and equipment from other military regions would augment existing combat power in the Taiwan Strait area. In 2004, Taiwan began transforming motorized rifle and armored infantry brigades to mechanized infantry. Taiwan Strait Military Balance, Naval Forces ChinaTaiwanEast & South Sea Fleets Personnel 290,000140,00060,000Destroyers21136Frigates433421T ank Landing Ships202012Medium Landing Ships23154Diesel Submarines51294Nuclear Submarines600Coastal Patrol (Missile)513450 Note: The PLA Navy has a large fleet that includes 64 major surface combatants, approximately 55 attack submarines, more than 40 medium and heavy amphibious lift ships, and some 50 coastal missile patrol craft. Two-thirds of those assets are located in the East and South Sea Fleets. In the event of a major Taiwan conflict, both fleets would be expected to participate in direct action against the Taiwan Navy. The North Sea Fleet would be responsible primarily for protecting Beijing and the northern coasts, but could provide mission critical assets to support the other fleets. China's Missile Forces China's Missile Inventory TotalLaunchers/MissilesEstimated RangeCSS-4 ICBM20/208,460+ kmCSS-3 ICBM10-14/20-245,470+ kmCSS-2 IRBM6-10/14-182,790+ kmCSS-5 MRBMMod 1/2 34-38/19-231,770+ kmJL-1 SLBM10-14/10-141,770+ kmCSS-6 SRBM70-80/230-270600 kmCSS-7 SRBM100-120/420-460300 kmDF-31 ICBMDEVELOPMENTAL7,250+ kmDF-31A ICBMDEVELOPMENTAL11,270+ km Note: China's SRBM force has grown significantly in the past few years. China's Second Artillery now has at least five operational SRBM brigades; another brigade is deployed with the PLA ground forces. All of these units are deployed to locations near Taiwan. |
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#57 | ||||
Ocean Warrior
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The Taiwanese aren't going to capitulate because 700 SRBM's are pointed at it. I really wonder if you "I hate Bush"..."I hate America" types would just stand there and passively watch China launch these missiles at Taiwanese civilians. I'm convinced, the "I hate Bush" "I hate America" types would be silent. Quote:
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Mr. Subman - If you look at China's military, you definitely get a feel for their objectives. They want to subvert Taiwan, and find a way to keep the USA from coming to the rescue. If China was a peaceful country, they would just leave Taiwan alone. Taiwan is free, independant, a threat to nobody, has a world class economy, and is happy to govern itself. The so called human rights lovers of course are silent to China's coming aggression. Last edited by Sea Demon; 08-19-06 at 04:11 PM. |
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#58 |
Ocean Warrior
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Some of this is looney sites but the information they put out is common knowledge.
http://www.informationclearinghouse....rticle8709.htm http://www.time.com/time/election200...699348,00.html http://www.counterpunch.org/leopold02192003.html http://seattletimes.nwsource.com/htm...5_intel06.html http://www.impeachbush.tv/args/iraqlies.html Odd site but it's list is right. = ![]() http://www.foxnews.com/story/0,2933,192069,00.html |
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#59 | |
Ocean Warrior
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But let me ask you Brad. Do you think Clinton's a liar for sounding just like Bush regarding Saddam pre-invasion? How about his wife? How about Ted Kennedy? John Kerry even? What about all those intelligence services around the world which told the Bush Administration of Saddam's programs? You know, Germany, Russia, Israel, Japan, and the UK? Liars all? If so, why the obsessive focus on Bush? |
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#60 |
The Old Man
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Sea Demon, i am very sorry to offend so much, but i just NEED (*Crazed expression on my face*) to post this!
The SADDAM HUSSEIN song. We should kill him would be thrillin' just to kill him Let's hunt him down and shoot him in the head Let's beat the crap out of Saddam Let's hunt him down and shoot him in the head and bomb Iraq into the ground Let's hunt him down and shoot him in the head Let's beat the crap out of Saddam Let's hunt him down and shoot him in the head and bomb Iraq into the ground Don't screw with the USA Don't screw with the USA Now if he does attack We're gonna drop a stack All miscles on Iraq And get him off my back And if he won't let us up for al the surfgas, the US army is gonna kick him in the ass We should destroy, should destroy, that Iraqi boy Let's hunt him down and shoot him in the head Let's beat the crap out of Saddam Let's hunt him down and shoot him in the head and bomb Iraq into the ground Let's hunt him down and shoot him in the head Let's beat the crap out of Saddam Let's hunt him down and shoot him in the head and bomb Iraq into the ground http://www.sumfun4u.com/musicwav/wav...damhussein.wav :rotfl::rotfl::rotfl: Should be Americas new National Anthem. ![]() |
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