100 Years Ago Today

[Sailor Steve]

Sunday, January 11, 1920

PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE

The Supreme Council does not meet today.

[Jimbuna]

12th January 1920

Smithsonian Institution announces Robert Goddard’s invention and testing of a new type or rocket that could one day reach the moon.


Ship Losses:

Afrique (France) Chargeurs Réunis' 5,404 GRT ocean liner foundered in the Bay of Biscay 32 nautical miles (59 km) off the Île de Ré with the loss of 556 of the 599 people on board. Survivors were rescued by Ceylan ( France) and another vessel.
Monte Grande (France) The schooner was driven ashore at East Wittering, Sussex, United Kingdom and was wrecked.
Serbier (Belgium) The cargo ship foundered in the Bay of Biscay 80 nautical miles (150 km) off Penmarc'h, Finistère, France (47°38′N 6°10′W). Her crew were rescued by Docteur Pierre Benoit ( France).

[Sailor Steve]

Monday, January 12, 1920

PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE

The Supreme Council does not meet today.

[Jimbuna]

13th January 1920

Demonstrations in front of the Reichstag in Berlin turn bloody after police use guns and grenades to disperse the crowd, resulting in around 42 deaths. The crowds before the massacre.


Police and a machine gun in front of the Reichstag after demonstrations on January 13,1920.


Arrested foreign nationals suspected of having radical leftist ties awaiting deportation on Ellis Island.


A New York Times editorial calls Robert Goddard’s claim that rockets could eventually reach the moon a “severe strain on credulity.”


Ship Losses:

Jane and Ann (United Kingdom) The schooner was driven ashore at St. Anne's on Sea, Lancashire and was wrecked.
Willy (Norway) The cargo ship collided with Trentino ( United Kingdom) in the Atlantic Ocean off the Longships and sank.

[Sailor Steve]

Tuesday, January 13, 1920

PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE

M Pichon’s Room, Quai d’Orsay, Paris, 11:00

Meeting of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs.


...

[Jimbuna]

14th January 1920

In Siberia, Admiral Kolchak, commander-in-chief of the White Armies, is arrested and delivered to the Bolsheviks.

Castor Oy introduced to Thimble Theater (Popeye The Sailor) cartoon.

"Mobs, Rushing Reichstag, Shot Down By German Troops; Trial Of Assembly Socialists Set For Next Tuesday; Hughes And The Bar Association Bitterly Assailed" (New York Times)

[Sailor Steve]

Wednesday, January 14, 1920

PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE

There are no Council meetings today.

[Jimbuna]

15th January 1920

John Francis Dodge, co-founder of the Dodge car company, has passed away at age 55 due to the Spanish flu.


On January 15, 1920, traumatized customers make a run on a Liquor Store the day before prohibition in America begins.


Ship Losses:

HMT Denford (Royal Navy) The naval trawler ran aground at North Kearney Point, County Down. Her crew were rescued. She was refloated on 20 January.
Sancho Maru (Japan) The cargo ship foundered in the Pacific Ocean off Rikuchū Province with some loss of life.

[Sailor Steve]

Thursday, January 15, 1920

PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE

There are no Council meetings today.

[Jimbuna]

16th January 1920

The Allies of World War I demand that the Netherlands extradite ex-German Emperor Wilhelm II who fled there in 1918.


The Russian Revolution: Tsarist Troops Execute Bolsheviks.


Prince Albert (later King George VI) and Prince Henry at Trinity College, Cambridge.


Francisco José Fernandes Costa is appointed the Prime Minister of Portugal but resigns on the same day due to political instability. His government is called the “Five Minute Government”


Ship Losses:

Preveza (Greece) The cargo ship came ashore at Chesil Beach, Dorset, United Kingdom and was abandoned by her crew. She was later reboarded but attempts to refloat her in the early hours on 17 January were unsuccessful.
W. T. White (United Kingdom) The schooner foundered in the Atlantic Ocean. Six crew were rescued by Marion L. Mason ( United Kingdom).

[Sailor Steve]

Friday, January 16, 1920

PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE

M Pichon’s Room, Quai d’Orsay, Paris, 10:30

Combined Meeting of Representatives of National Leaders and the Ministers of Foreign Affairs.


Mr. Clemenceau states that, before taking up the Agenda, he will remark to the Prime Minister of Great Britain that he has had a conversation with Mr Ignace on the preceding day on the subject of the guilty parties to be surrendered by Germany. He had noticed that whilst Great Britain asked France to reduce the number of guilty parties which she claimed, the British were increasing theirs. Such a procedure is not equitable. He therefore proposes that Mr Ignace have an interview with the British Lord Chancellor and that as soon as an agreement between them had been reached, they should give the Supreme Council the benefit of their conclusions.

M Clemenceau says that, with regard to the re-opening of certain trading relations with Russia, M Berthelot would give them an exposé.

M Berthelot comments upon the report of the committee appointed to consider the re-opening of certain trading relations with Russia, dated January 15, 1920.

He adds that the representatives of the Russian Cooperative Organizations had met the representatives of the Great Powers two days before and also on the preceding day at two different times; and the Commission thus composed had agreed on the draft which had been circulated.

As had been brought out by the Premier of Great Britain the Commission had recognized that it would be important to be able to trade directly with the Russian peasants in the whole of the interior of Russia; that would be the best way were it successful, to ruin Bolshevism; it would also be remedy for the fall of exchange, as well as to reduce the prices of important products, such as foodstuffs, cereals, etc.

The difficulty of the question lay in that, while refusing to negotiate with the Bolsheviks - a course which would seem to recognize the Bolshevist Government - and while refusing to enter into direct relations with the Bolshevists, there still remained to be found a way of obtaining their assent.

In theory, the argument to put forward in order to obtain that assent, should be that means of living would thus be given to the populations in interior Russia which the Bolshevists were incapable of giving them for the reason that, as Mr Lloyd George had said it, the Bolshevists could only pay with paper money which had no value, and the peasants were in need of clothing, shoes, medicines, which the Allies alone could give them.

It was therefore not absolutely impossible, in theory, for the Soviet people to say that they would let a certain quantity of wheat, flax, wool or coal go out in exchange for whatever products their populations could get in return. It was, however, to be noted that they would in that case reach another conclusion; they could not send Allied officers or individuals to Moscow to treat with the Soviets; that would be an indirect method of recognition. But the Co-operative Organizations which had offices in London and Paris, as well as in many of the Russian towns, might try and arrive at a direct understanding with the Soviet Government in order to obtain the authorization to export products which those co-operatives themselves could sell. It had indeed been agreed that those organizations would attempt to adopt that system, and the Council would be kept informed. The report which had been distributed and was the result of an unanimous agreement, explained how the system would operate: a direct purchase from the Bolshevists, such purchases, however, being made by the Co-operative Organizations in Russia.

Mr Lloyd George says that he is in complete agreement on the general terms of the report which had been circulated and explained; he would, however, suggest some slight changes thereto.

In paragraph No 8, for instance, he would prefer that the word “Bolshevists” should not appear; also, on the first page where it was stated that “for reconstructing trading relations with the whole of Russia, he would propose that the following be substituted: “With the Russian people”.

It is important that the Powers should be shown to be sympathetic towards the Russian peasants.

On the whole, he is in complete agreement and thinks the report which had been signed by the representatives of France, Italy and Great Britain was a good one.

S Nitti says that he has no remarks to make.

Mr Matsui approves it, but says that he would reserve his Government’s approval.

Mr Wallace says that he would refer the resolution to Washington.

(It is decided to refer the question to the Commission which had drawn up the report for the latter to carry out the terms of the agreement approved.)

Mr Wallace and Mr Matsui would refer the resolution to their Governments for instructions.

In the discussion which follows:

Mr Kammerer stated that the first thing to be done would be to notify the decision of the Council to the Co-operative Societies. They should, for the present, not go any further, and await the sending of the necessary telegrams.

Mr Lloyd George wishes to ask what will be communicated to the Press.

M Clemenceau replies “as little as possible”.

Mr Kammerer remarks that they should indeed avoid that the Bolshevists consider the action taken as a starting point for raising the blockade.

Mr Lloyd George replies that there is no blockade. But, as a matter of fact, it is impossible to keep silent on their decision which would necessarily be revealed by the action of the Co-operative organizations.

M Clemenceau asked M Berthelot to prepare a draft communiqué for the Press.

M Berthelot later reads a draft communiqué to the Press concerning the Russian question.

Mr Lloyd George says that if he understands it well, it had been told them that the Russian Co-operative Societies would not like to appear as if they were taking the initiative in those operations. On the other hand, as the Government of the Soviets is not to participate or intervene, it will be well, perhaps, to state that they acted under the influence of the situation which it had brought about.

M Clemenceau says that, on the other hand, he would prefer that they do not refer to the “regime of anarchy”, and that they substitute the following words therefor: “the regime of interior disorganization then existing in Russia”.

He asks M Berthelot to kindly prepare a final draft and submit it to the Council at the afternoon meeting.

Mr. Cambon states that Mr Phillip Kerr, Marquis della Torretta and himself had got in touch on the preceding day with the representatives of Georgia and the Azerbaijan.

He had informed those gentlemen that according to the decision of the members of the Council of Three the Supreme Council of the Allied Governments had recognized the Governments of Georgia and Azerbaijan as “de facto” governments. They had then asked them whether they had any questions to put.

The representatives of Georgia were Messrs. Tseretelli and Avaloff; the representatives of the Azerbaijan were Messrs. Dopchbacheff and Mageramoff, who had spoken in turn.

These gentlemen had first thanked them for the “de facto” recognition of their Governments, but they had gone further: They asked that nothing be placed in the way of the course they were following in order to be completely separated from Russia, and they asked for the assistance of the Powers on financial, military and political grounds so as to liquidate their original situation. They had then put questions to the representatives of Georgia and the Azerbaijan concerning their interior situation and the danger which might threaten them on the part of former Russia. They had appeared more generally pre-occupied concerning Denikin’s intentions than those of the Bolshevists; but the actual condition of Denikin’s army re-assured them completely on their countries’ future for the time being.

Mr Phillip Kerr had put questions to them on the military situation of both Republics and their answers had not been very definite. They had then pressed them further, and the representatives of Georgia had declared that they could put 50,000 men in the field, and those of the Azerbaijan approximately 100,000.

M Clemenceau thought that extremely doubtful.

Mr. Lloyd George remarked that they made very good fighting troops, as they were mostly Tartars.

M Cambon goes on to say that their army is composed first, of a regular army with officers, and even ex-General officers of the Russian Army, and second, of a national guard.

Mr Tseretelli had especially insisted on the fact that he considered that the troops they had then under arms were sufficient to defend both Georgia and Azerbaijan against a possible invasion, should an offensive come either from the former armies of Denikin, or the Bolshevists, but it would be impossible to arouse the military feeling of their populations to make an offensive warfare, that is to say, a war which would not be solely in defense of the Caucasian territory.

The two Republics have sufficient men to put in the field, but what they lacked is arms and munitions, and they ask the Allies to supply them with such.

Besides, as Denikin’s army had at a previous time re-established the Russian authority in Daghestan, i. e. in the mountainous districts north of the Caucasus, those representatives had asked them that the Council should recognize “de facto” the Republic of the Daghestan so as to constitute a kind of buffer between the threats from the north and the Republics of Georgia and the Azerbaijan.

M Cambon wishes especially to point out the different point of view of the representatives from the two Republics: the representatives of Georgia, on account of their geographical position, are of the opinion that the most important menace against their independence would come from the Russian or Bolshevist Armies, which would follow the shores of the Black Sea, and thought that they would have nothing to fear on the Caspian Sea. On the other hand, however, the representatives of the Azerbaijan, which was bounded by the Caspian Sea, had declared that the danger lay in that direction: if the Bolshevists pursued the rest of the army of Volunteers (Denikin’s Army) up to the town of Derbent, Bakou would be in dire straits. Once in possession of that town, the situation in the Caspian would be extremely dangerous. There were also some Bolshevist ships in the Caspian Sea which were then ice-bound, and other ships which belonged to Denikin. It was to be feared that the crews of the latter would go over to the Bolshevists at the first opportunity. There is also in the Caspian a ship flying the British flag, but this seems manifestly insufficient to have the slightest influence.

What he had just said summarizes briefly the conversation they had had with the representatives of the two Republics.

Mr Lloyd George remarks that, as a matter of fact, there are four states in that country; Azerbaijan and Daghestan were Musulman territories, as he thought; and Georgia and Armenia were Christian, although he is not quite sure to which confession they belonged.

M Clemenceau says that the representative of Armenia had told him that he was a Gregorian, but he had been unable to explain to him what that meant.

Mr Lloyd George says that it is evident that the recognition “de facto” of the Daghestan which was asked of them might be as wise a step as that of Georgia and Azerbaijan, especially on account of its buffer position between the North and the latter Republics; what they know of the history of those countries showed the difficulties which had impeded the Russian armies in their march through the Caucasus. They were not asked for troops: That was a satisfactory point, and he thought that they might try to supply them with arms and munitions. The Caspian Sea fleet is in the hands of Denikin, and they had better send out 1500 sailors and ask Denikin to hand over his ships to them. They also had four British battalions at Bakou which might either remain there, if that proved to be useful, or be withdrawn. He was strongly in favor of the Daghestan’s recognition: that step would give great satisfaction to the Mohammedans, as it would mean two Mohammedan Republics in that part of the world. The Allies also had plenty of munitions which they might send. The difficulty lay in finding transport for arms and munitions to be sent into these Republics.

M Clemenceau remarks that he thinks most of it had gone to the Soviets through Denikin’s army.

Mr Lloyd George says that they might at least send a lot of clothes, etc.

M Clemenceau says that it would be well to examine this question further.

(The meeting then adjourned.)

[Jimbuna]

17th January 1920

Paul Deschanel is elected the new President of France by the National Assembly, defeating Prime Minister Georges Clemenceau.


Prohibition of alcohol comes into effect in the United States at the end of the day. Men lining up to buy “last call” liquor in Detroit.


Prohibition begins: Chicago police show off their first day of alcohol seizures.‬

[Jimbuna]

18th January 1920

Victims of a Bolshevik massacre found in Rakvere, Estonia after Estonian forces recaptured the area.


With prohibition coming into effect in the United States at midnight last night, all liquor or beer in a public place becomes subject to seizure and destruction.


"The Launch of the New Ship" "(We regret to say that, owing to unavoidable circumstances, Cousin Jonathan was not present.)" (The League of Nations)

[Sailor Steve]

Sunday, January 18, 1920

PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE

There are no Council meetings today.

[Jimbuna]

19th January 1920

French Prime Minister Georges Clemenceau announces his resignation after losing the Presidential election.


[January 19th, 1920] "The latest riots in Berlin were particularly bloody" (Excelsior)