100 Years Ago Today

[Sailor Steve]

Saturday, May 3, 1919

PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE

President Wilson’s House, Place des Etats-Unis, Paris 11:30

Meeting of the Council of Three


1. The following draft resolution was before the Meeting:

Submarine Cables

Draft Resolution

1. Germany renounces, on her own behalf and on behalf of her nationals, in favour of the Principal Allied and Associated Powers, all rights, titles or privileges of whatever nature in the submarine cables set out below, or in any portions thereof:—

Emden–Vigo: from the Straits of Dover to off Vigo.

Emden–Brest: from off Cherbourg to Brest.

Emden–Teneriffe: from off Dunkerque to off Teneriffe.

Emden–Azores (1): from the Straits of Dover to Fayal.

Emden–Azores (2): from the Straits of Dover to Fayal.

Azores–New York (1): from Fayal to New York.

Azores–New York (2): from Fayal to the longitude of Halifax.

Teneriffe–Monrovia: from off Teneriffe to off Monrovia.

Monrovia–Lome:

from about lat. 2 deg. 30′ N. long. 7 deg. 40′ W. of Greenwich.
To about lat. 2 deg. 20′ N. long. 5.30′ deg. W. of Greenwich.
and from about lat. 3 deg. 48′ N. long. 0.00. to Lome.

Lome—Duala: from Lome to Duala.

Monrovia–Pernambuco: from off Monrovia to off Pernambuco.

Constantinople–Constanza: from Constantinople to Constanza.

Yap–Shanghai, Yap–Guam, and Yap–Menado (Celebes):

from Yap Island to Shanghai,

from Yap Island to Guam Island,

and from Yap Island to Menado.


2. Such of the above-mentioned cables as are now in use, shall continue to be worked in the conditions at present existing; but such working shall not prejudice the right of the Principal Allied and Associated Powers to decide the future status of these cables in such way as they may think fit.

The Principal Allied and Associated Powers may make such arrangements as they may think fit for bringing into operation any of the said cables which are not at present in use.


3. The Principal Allied and Associated Powers shall as soon as possible arrange for the convoking of an International Congress to consider all international aspects of communication by land telegraphs, cables or wireless telegraphy, and to make recommendations to the Powers concerned with a view to providing the entire world with adequate facilities of this nature on a fair and equitable basis.

(After some discussion it is decided to accept the first paragraph for inclusion in the Treaty of Peace, and to add to it a second paragraph in the following terms:

“The value of the above mentioned cables or portions thereof, in so far as they are privately owned, calculated on the basis of the original cost, less a suitable allowance for depreciation, shall be credited to Germany in the reparation account.”

It is further decided that paragraphs 2 and 3 of the draft should form the subject of a separate protocol between the principal Allied and Associated powers. The following modification to the second of these paragraphs is agreed upon. Instead of the expression “powers concerned” the expression “principal Allied and Associated Powers” is substituted. The last clause of this paragraph therefore reads:

“and to make recommendations to the Principal Allied and Associated Powers with a view to providing the entire world with adequate facilities of this nature on a fair and equitable basis.”)

[Sailor Steve]

Saturday, May 3, 1919

PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE

President Wilson’s House, Place des Etats-Unis, Paris 12:10

Meeting of the Council of Three


1. The Preliminary Report of the Committee on New States is presented for consideration.

President Wilson proposes that for “the commerce of the Allied and Associated Powers” in the last line of Annex A, the words “the commerce of other nations” should be substituted.

(This is agreed to, and it is decided that this clause should be inserted in the Treaty in substitution of the existing Article 7 of the Chapter relating to Poland.)

The Articles contained in Annex B are then considered.

On the proposal of President Wilson, it is decided that Articles 1 and 2 should be sent to the Drafting Committee with instructions that they should be inserted in the Treaty with Germany, unless the points contained therein were already adequately covered by other articles.

With regard to Article 3, Mr. Headlam-Morley explains that while accepting in principle the substance of the provisions contained in this Article, he had felt great apprehension as to the acceptance of the provisions as they stood, without a detailed consideration and without consultation with the legal authorities. It had been impossible in the very limited time at the disposal of the Committee either to consider proposals in detail or to consult the legal advisers.

Mr Lloyd George confirms this view.

Dr Miller points out that unless Article 3 or some provision of a similar character is inserted in the Treaty, there will be nothing in the Treaty binding Poland to accept provisions safeguarding the rights of individuals in the matter of citizenship.

To meet this objection President Wilson proposes that in the Article contained in Annex A, the inclusion of which in the Treaty has already been agreed to, the word “inhabitants” should be substituted for “communities” in Line 4.

(This is accepted. The Article in Annex A is amended then sent to the Drafting Committee.)

The Committee on New States is instructed to draft for embodiment in the separate Treaty with Poland clauses giving effect to the general principles of Article 3.

(It is decided that the decisions taken with regard to Poland should apply equally to Czechoslovakia, and that the necessary instructions should be sent to the Drafting Committee to this effect.)

Mr Headlam-Morley then raises the question of the proposed Article regarding railway facilities. Some uncertainty appears to have arisen as to whether this Article should be included or not.

(It is decided that the Article should be included.)

Mr Headlam-Morley then proposes that Articles should be inserted in the Treaty containing provisions (a) to prevent the Germans building fortifications which might threaten the free navigation of the Vistula, (b) to prevent the Germans requisitioning in or otherwise injuring territory ceded by them to Poland during the interval which would elapse before the cession actually took place.

(This is approved and instructions are sent to the Drafting Committee accordingly.)



The following contains the documents under discussion.

[Appendix]
The Committee on New States

Report to the Council of Three

In the unavoidable absence of M Berthelot (French Representative), Dr Miller (American Representative) and Mr Headlam-Morley (British Representative) met on Friday, May 2nd and considered the instructions contained in Sir Maurice Hankey’s letter of May 1st.

It was unanimously agreed that the matters raised by Sir Hubert Llewellyn Smith concerning the economic and other obligations which it might be necessary to impose on New States, were of so extensive and complicated a nature that it was quite impossible to consider them in time to incorporate them in the Treaty of Peace with Germany.

It was therefore agreed that there must be separate Treaties negotiated between the Five Allied and Associated Powers on the one hand and the new States - for instance, Poland - on the other, in which these and other matters which might arise would be dealt with. A suitable form for those Treaties could be devised without much difficulty for though in most cases the new States have been recognised, in no case has the territory over which the Government has control been specified, and there are many matters consequential on recognition such as the establishment of consular relations, which will have to be dealt with.

Having agreed to this, the Committee then considered the question of the protection of Minorities. It was again agreed that the question, in particular so far as it affects the Jews in Poland, is so contentious and so difficult that it is impossible to come to precise conclusions about it in the short time available before the text of the Treaty with Germany is closed. It was agreed, therefore, that all the detailed clauses dealing with this matter should be placed in the separate Treaties referred to.

It was also agreed, however, that there must be inserted in the Treaty with Germany some general clause referring to the other Treaty, and that this should be made of a binding nature. The text of the clause proposed is annexed (Annex A).

It was agreed that it would be essential at some stage, either in the Treaty with Germany or in the separate Treaty to be negotiated with Poland, to insert clauses defining Polish citizenship and political and religious equality. This is necessary, as the experience of Romania has shown, for the protection of the Jews and other minorities, and the importance of this has been very strongly pressed upon us by the Jewish representatives whom we have seen; it will be equally important for other minorities. Clauses have been drafted providing for this in such a form that they can be inserted in the Treaty with Germany (See Annex B).

It was agreed that it must be left to the decision of the Council of Three whether those clauses should be inserted in the Treaty with Germany or in the separate Treaty, while all were agreed that if there had been sufficient time it would have been preferable to insert them in the Treaty with Germany, the British Representative feels himself bound to point out that it has been impossible for him to consult the British Legal Advisers.

The American Representative is of the opinion that the insertion in the Treaty of Peace of some clause binding Poland in respect of the citizenship and rights of those millions of her population which are not German is essential.

The British Representative is inclined to think that the Article given in Annex A gives sufficient scope to enable the clauses in Annex B to be inserted in the separate Treaties.

Both are agreed that if there is time to get the consideration which is necessary from the French and British legal advisers, and if it is possible in the time to get these clauses through the Drafting Committee, they may well be inserted in the Treaty with Germany.

As to procedure, the most convenient arrangement would be that the special Treaty with Poland at any rate, should be prepared as quickly as possible and should be ready for signature at the same time as the general Treaty with Germany. There are advantages in this that Poland would be bound, not as against Germany, but as against her Allies but at the same time the Germans would have cognisance of the separate Treaty which is, as will be seen, specifically referred to in the main Treaty.

In accordance with their instructions, the Committee started with their consideration of the Polish question. It is recognised that the same problems, though in a slightly different form, arise in the case of Czecho-Slovakia, and they are agreed that apart from any detailed modifications of form which may appear necessary, these clauses which have been drafted especially for the case of Poland, should be applied also to Czecho-Slovakia.

They have unfortunately, however, not been able to procure a single copy of the chapter of the Treaty dealing with Czecho-Slovakia in its final form, or to discuss the matter with those immediately responsible for dealing with Czecho-Slovakia, and are therefore not in a position to advise as to whether any alteration in the form or details may be required.


Annex A
Recognition of Poland (and Czecho-Slovakia)

Article

(Substitute for Article 7 of Chapter relating to Poland)

Poland accepts and agrees to embody in a Treaty with the Five Allied and Associated Powers such provisions as may be deemed necessary by the Five Allied and Associated Powers to protect the interests of inhabitants in Poland who differ from the majority of the population in race, language or religion.

Poland further accepts and agrees to embody in a Treaty with the Five Allied and Associated Powers such provisions as may be deemed necessary by the Five Allied and Associated Powers to protect freedom of transit and equitable treatment of the commerce of other Nations.


Annex B
Recognition of Poland (and Czecho Slovakia)

Chapter …

Article 1

Without prejudice to the effect of any previous recognition of Poland, Germany as well as the Allied and Associated Powers recognises Poland as a sovereign and independent State.

Article 2

The boundaries of Poland not mentioned or determined by the provisions of this Treaty will be subsequently fixed by the Five Allied and Associated Powers.

Article 3

Poland undertakes the following obligations to each of the other Allied and Associated Powers, and recognises them to be obligations of international concern of which the League of Nations has jurisdiction:

1. Without any requirement of qualifying or other proceedings, Poland admits and declares to be Polish citizens:
(a) all persons habitually resident in territories recognised to be Polish by this or any subsequent Treaty, except those who are citizens or subjects of one of the Allied or Associated Powers or of a Power which was neutral throughout the late war; and
(b) all persons hereafter born in Poland not nationals of another State.
The foregoing provisions shall not limit or affect any provision of Articles 4 and 5 of Chapter …

2. Poland agrees that all citizens of Poland shall enjoy equal civil and political rights without distinction as to birth, race, nationality, language or religion.

3. Poland assumes and will perform the following obligations:
(a) To protect the life and liberty of all inhabitants of Poland;
(b) To assure to all inhabitants of Poland the free exercise, whether public or private, of any creed, religion, or belief, whose practices are not inconsistent with public order or public morals;
(c) To allow all inhabitants of Poland the free use of any language, particularly in business transactions, in schools and other educational instruction, in the press, and at public meetings and assemblies; and,
(d) To make no discrimination against any inhabitant of Poland on account of birth, race, nationality, language, or religion.

4. Poland agrees that the foregoing obligations are hereby embodied in her fundamental law as a bill of rights, with which no law, regulation, or official action shall conflict or interfere, and as against which no law, regulation, or official action shall have validity or effect.

Article 4

Poland accepts and agrees to embody in a treaty with the Five Allied and Associated Powers such provisions as may be deemed necessary by the Five Allied and Associated Powers to protect the interests of communities in Poland which differ from the majority of the population in race, language, or religion.

Poland further accepts and agrees to embody in a Treaty with the Five Allied and Associated Powers such provisions as may be deemed necessary by the Five Allied and Associated Powers to protect the freedom of transit and equitable treatment of the commerce of the Allied and Associated Powers.

4. railway facilities

Germany and Poland undertake within one year of the conclusion of this Treaty to enter into a Convention of which the terms in case of difference shall be settled by the Council of the League of Nations, with the object of securing, on the one hand to Germany, full and adequate railroad facilities for communication between the rest of Germany and East Prussia over the intervening Polish territory, on the other hand to Poland, full and adequate railroad facilities for communication between Poland and the City of Danzig over any German territory that may, on the right bank of the Vistula, intervene between Poland and the City of Danzig.

[Sailor Steve]

Saturday, May 3, 1919

PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE

President Wilson’s House, Place des Etats-Unis, Paris 12:30

Meeting of the Council of Three


The Council has before it the question of the Indemnity to be paid by Germany to Belgium.

1. Mr Lamont says that since the Belgian question was last discussed at the Council various proposals had been made to the Representatives of the Belgian Government, but that negotiations could not now proceed further until the Allied Delegates had received instructions as to the precise limits within which they might make concessions. The first point was that of the priority of the Belgian claim to the first £100 millions to be received from Germany. This had been already agreed.

Mr Davis says that the question might arise as to whether the Belgian priority applies only to the first cash receipts from Germany or whether it includes, for example, any cessions which Germany might make in the way of ships etc.

(It is agreed that the claim of Belgium to receive the first £100 millions is recognized, but applies only to the first cash receipts.)


2. Mr Lamont says that the Belgian Government has raised the question of whether they are released from the lien which the Allied Governments now have on the first payments to be received by Belgium from Germany in respect of Reparation.

(It is agreed that no concession can be made to Belgium in this respect.)


3. Mr Lamont says that the Belgian Representatives had attempted to maintain that if the proposal to substitute German for Belgian obligations in respect of loans made to Belgium by the Allies were accepted, it would be applicable to all loans made before the signature of the Peace Treaty and not merely to loans made before the Armistice.

(It is agreed that the arrangement would in any event apply only to pre-armistice loans.)


4. Mr Lamont says that the Belgian Government does not press for the inclusion in the Treaty of a clause binding Germany to reimburse the Allies for loans made by them to Belgium, but that they are content to leave the question to a side agreement.

M Loucheur says that what they really want is to be entirely relieved of all responsibility in regard to these loans.

Mr Lamont says that the Belgian Delegates have apparently been under the impression that France and England, at any rate, are under an obligation not to look for the repayment of these loans at all.

Mr Lloyd George protests that this has never been the understanding although we had in fact agreed not to demand interest on these advances until the date of the signature of the Armistice.

Mr Balfour thinks that the very fact that we had asked for obligations was a sufficient proof that the Belgian suggestion was quite unfounded.

M Loucheur agreed that M Hymans knows very well that Belgium is under an obligation to repay.


5. President Wilson says that he understands the proposition to be that the Allied Governments should accept German for a Belgian obligation for all pre-armistice loans.

Mr Keynes says that it would in practice be extremely difficult to fit in this proposal with the remainder of the Treaty unless a priority is given to the Allied claim to reimbursement on behalf of Belgium. The next receipts after the first £100 millions should be specifically assigned to the repayment of the loans.

Mr Davis objects that this will mean that Belgium would get nothing for some years except the first £100 millions.

Mr Keynes thinks that it would not take years for Germany to pay £350 millions altogether.

Mr Davis says that an alternative method is for the Allied Governments to include their claim for this amount among the categories of damage.

President Wilson says that he thinks Congress would have no difficulty in accepting the principle. The loans made by the United States to Belgium before the Armistice were for Relief and therefore Congress would understand that they were not making any precedent for the remission of a debt, but were voting the money as part of the Relief to Belgium.

Mr Lloyd George says that the major portion of the British loans to Belgium before the United States came into the war were also for Relief. He was prepared to accept the principle of German liability for these loans.

Mr Balfour says that in his opinion Belgium is a rich country considering her population. He thinks therefore that when the country is once more in working order she ought to be able to pay her debt. The trouble is that for the time being she cannot get to work and therefore he thinks it necessary that she should be given money wherewith to start.

Mr Lloyd George says that he also thinks that Belgium is in an extremely favorable position. She will be able to start without any war debt at all, with all her damage repaired, and with a prior claim to whatever might be received from Germany. In fact the whole priority of Belgium is absolutely indefensible. He thinks it important to make sure that the claims of the Allies are not postponed until the last so that the £250 millions due to them might not be paid only at the very end.

Mr Keynes says that this is one of the reasons why it is extremely desirable that a priority for the repayment of the Allied loans should be admitted, that is to say, that Belgium should receive the whole of the £350 millions paid by Germany, of which £100 millions would be for her own purposes and £250 millions would be used to meet her debts to the Allies.

President Wilson suggests that in negotiation it might be possible to induce the Belgians to accept this priority and that if they refuse to accept it the Allies should then fall back upon the alternative proposal to include the amount among the categories of Reparation.


6. Mr. Lloyd George says that he would propose another possible solution, namely that for this £250 millions there should be an altogether separate bond issue.

Mr Lamont says that this would fit in very well with Germany’s special undertakings as regards Belgium.

Mr Keynes says that here again the important question would be how this issue will rank in relation to the other issues.

President Wilson says that he cannot actually bind the United States to accept the proposal, but that he is prepared to lay it before Congress on his own recommendation.

M Loucheur says that if Great Britain is disposed to accept these bonds in payment of her debt, thus leaving Belgium wholly free, the French Government would also be prepared to fall in with the arrangement.

Mr Lloyd George says that he thinks this is a better suggestion than that the Allied loans should be repaid out of the Belgian percentage of the other issues. There would be three issues - the first of one the second of two, and the third a contingent issue of two thousand millions. Supposing that the Belgian percentage is ten per cent., this would mean that 300 millions out of the first 3000 millions would go to Belgium. It is difficult to suggest that out of this first 300 millions 250 millions should be taken for the repayment of Allied debt, leaving only 50 millions to Belgium herself for Reparation.

Lord Cunliffe agrees with the proposal of Mr Lloyd George for a special issue of bonds.

Mr Lloyd George said that after all this is an additional category of the Allied claims against Germany and that the fact might as well be recognized in this manner.

(It is agreed that there should be a separate issue of bonds to the value of the advances made by the Allies to Belgium and that this special issue should be devoted to the repayment of these loans by Germany to the Allied and Associated Governments.)


7. Mr Lamont says that a further point arises on account of the persistent claim of Belgium to receive a percentage of subsequent Reparation payments.

President Wilson says that he understands Belgium to claim a priority payment or 15 per cent.

Mr Lloyd George said that in no circumstances can he agree to any such claim.

M Loucheur said that he does not think that the Belgians will press the point in negotiation.

(It is agreed that the Belgian claim to be allotted a percentage of subsequent Reparation payments should be given an unqualified refusal.)


8. Mr Keynes says that there is an inconsistency between the territorial and financial chapters of the Treaty in regard to the payments to be made to Germany for territory ceded under the Treaty. The only exception to the rule that ceded territory should be paid for is in the case of Alsace-Lorraine and for this specific exception a particular reason was given in the relative clause of the Treaty as drafted. No similar reason can be given in the case of Belgium, and he suggests that the territorial clauses should be brought into conformity with the financial clauses on this subject.

Sir Maurice Hankey says that it was agreed not to be desirable from the political point of view to require payment from Belgium.

Mr Lloyd George says that he does not wish to quarrel on a point which appears to be of no very great importance and that he is therefore in favour of allowing exceptional treatment to Belgium in this case.

(It is agreed that Clause 9 of the Financial Chapter should be amended so as to make it consistent with the territorial provisions of the Treaty.)


9. Mr Lamont says that Poland put in a claim for Reparation amounting to nine billion dollars.

Mr Lloyd George says that this claim payment is quite inadmissible and that on the previous day a claim on the part of Alsace-Lorraine had been refused for the express reason that if it were granted there would be no logical reason for excluding Poland from making a similar claim.

Mr Davis says that the difficulty is that Poland is an Allied and Associated Government and is therefore included under the Preamble of the Reparation Chapter.

(It is agreed that the Reparation Clauses should be so amended as to include only such damage as had been done to any country while a belligerent Ally.)

[Sailor Steve]

Saturday, May 3, 1919

PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE

President Wilson’s House, Place des Etats-Unis, Paris 16:00

Meeting of the Council of Three


1. M Clemenceau raises the question of whether the invitation sent to the Austrian and Hungarian Governments to come to St. Germain should not be made public.

Mr Lloyd George says he is in favour of publication, but he thinks it should be discussed as part of the whole question of the situation with Italy.


2. Sir Maurice Hankey reported that he had had a letter from Mr Hurst, the British Member of the Drafting Committee, in regard to the Article approved on the previous afternoon on the subject of the denunciation of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk. In this letter Mr Hurst pointed out that the clause approved on the previous day had been less far-reaching than the clauses already included in the Financial and Economic Sections of the Peace Treaty. In view of these circumstances and in order to avoid any obvious divergence between the Economic Article, the Financial Article, and the new Political Article, certain changes had been made.


(The new draft submitted by the Drafting Committee was approved.)

(Sir Maurice Hankey is instructed to forward it immediately to the Secretary-General for communication to the Drafting Committee.)


3. Sir Maurice Hankey reports that he has received a letter from General Thwaites, the head of the British Military Section, enclosing a copy of the English draft of Repaid to the Clauses in regard to the Baltic States, to be inserted in the Treaty of Peace under Guarantees. The French translation as approved by Marshal Foch is also attached.

(These Articles are approved as a basis for an Article in the Treaty of Peace.)

(Sir Maurice Hankey is instructed to forward them to the Secretary-General for communication to the Drafting Committee with the least possible delay.)


4. Mr Lloyd George describes an interview he had had with the Marquis Imperiali, who had communicated to him the gist of a telegram he had received from Rome. The Marquis had refused to communicate a copy and Mr Lloyd George had to rely entirely on his memory. No-one else had been present at the conversation, which the Marquis Imperiali had said was a private one, although he had said that he must communicate his impression of it to Rome. The first part of the telegram, so far as Mr Lloyd George could remember was that S Orlando had said that there was very little object in returning to Paris. There was no basis for an agreement in regard to Fiume. Moreover, he understood that Great Britain and France were not agreed with the United States. In the second part, S Orlando had said, “you say you stand by the Treaty of London. How much better off are we? President Wilson will not accept it. What guarantees do our Allies propose to enforce the Treaty?” Mr Lloyd George had then replied to the Marquis Imperiali, “what guarantees do you want? Do you expect us to declare war on the United States?” The Marquis Imperiali had replied “Oh, no.” Mr Lloyd George had asked him what he would suggest, and he could not suggest anything. The Marquis Imperiali had then made a suggestion which Mr. Lloyd George characterized as an impudent one, that the Allies were not keeping the Pact of London, because they were making a separate peace with Germany, without Italy. Mr Lloyd George had told him that Italy was already on the point of breaking the Pact, that we would be within our legal rights, and that we were advised by our legal advisers that this was the case, in considering that Italy would break it by not being present to meet the Germans. If Italy was not present on Tuesday then the Allies would no longer be bound by the Pact. The Marquis had replied that this was a very serious situation. Mr Lloyd George’s rejoinder was that it was no more serious than he himself had in that very room warned the Marquis Imperiali that it would be. He had warned S Orlando in exactly the same sense. He had also reminded him that S Orlando had acted against the advice of Baron Sonnino. The Marquis Imperiali had then said, “Won’t you make us some offer?” Mr. Lloyd George had replied, “To whom shall we make it? Can you receive an offer?” The Marquis Imperiali replied that he could transmit one. Mr Lloyd George then said that it was impossible to deal with people who were hundreds of miles away, and had no responsible person with authority to act for them. If the Italian representatives did not come back, there was no official person with whom negotiations could take place. The Marquis Imperiali then said that the Italian representatives ought to know this. He was afraid that if they came back to Paris, and found that no agreement could be reached, the situation would be graver than ever. Mr Lloyd George asked, “Why would it be more grave than it is now?” He had warned them a week ago. The Italians were in possession of Fiume contrary to the Treaty of London. He had asked what the position of the Italians would be, and what the general position would be if the Peace about to be secured with Austria gave Fiume to the Croats. The Marquis Imperiali had been somewhat perturbed at this and had said, “I suppose you could put the Germans off for a day or two if the Italian Delegation were returning?” Mr Lloyd George then told him that the Italian Government would be under an entire delusion if they thought that they could get Fiume. The Allied and Associated Powers were absolutely united on that point. They were united quite apart from the question of principle, because the Treaty of London gave Fiume to the Croats. A compromise that had been suggested was that it might be arranged that Fiume should become a free port, instead of being given to the Croats, on condition that the Italians gave up to the Serbs-Croats the Dalmatian Coast. The Marquis Imperiali had asked Mr Lloyd George if he would put this in writing, and Mr Lloyd George had declined.

(In the course of the discussion below, it will be found that Mr Lloyd George supplements his statement from time to time, as the course of the discussion bring fresh points to his mind.)

M Clemenceau said he had had a conversation with the Italian Ambassador, Count Bonin, which had been almost identical with Mr Lloyd George’s, but he had had one opportunity which Mr Lloyd George did not have. Count Bonin had asked him what his point of view was. He had replied that he certainly would give it, and he had given him a piece of his mind. He had told him that Italy had entered the war with a bargain. This bargain had not been kept yet. Italy had postponed for more than a year going to war with Germany. The bargain had been that Italy was to get the Tyrol, Trieste, and Pola, and that Fiume would go to the Croats. Now Italy asks him to keep his word about their part of the Treaty, and to break it in regard to Fiume. This is a point the Italians do not seem to realize. He had told him that he could see what was the game they were playing, but they could not get a quarrel between the Allies and President Wilson about Fiume. Italy had broken the Treaty, and he had the written opinion of a jurisconsult to that effect, which could be produced if it were wished. Count Bonin had said “Why do you not make a proposal?” M. Clemenceau had replied “we cannot, we have signed the Treaty.” Instead of asking to talk, the Italians wanted their Allies to break the Treaty. Count Bonin had then said “You are not in agreement with President Wilson.” M Clemenceau had replied “I can discuss this with President Wilson and Mr Lloyd George, but I will not discuss it with you.” Then Count Bonin had dropped this topic. Finally, Count Bonin had said “If we make a suggestion, would you help?” M Clemenceau replied “Certainly, if it is a feasible suggestion, but I cannot commit myself in advance.” Then Count Bonin said that S Orlando could not come back and conduct the negotiations, because he could not afford to fail. He added “I suppose we must hurry up”. M Clemenceau replied, “Yes, you had better be as quick as you can”. Then Count Bonin said “Then you will help us”. M. Clemenceau replied “Certainly, if your proposal is a feasible one”. Count Bonin then referred to Fiume, and M Clemenceau had replied that he had better not refer to that in any proposal, and that was the end of the conversation, as far as he could remember it.

Mr Lloyd George recalled that the Marquis Imperiali had put forward a proposal that had appeared in the newspaper “Temps”, but he had answered that he could not look at that.

M Clemenceau expressed the view that in 24 hours suggestions would come from Italy.

President Wilson then says that Count Cellere, the Italian Ambassador in Washington, who had accompanied him to Europe, just as Lord Beading had done, and who was a man with whom he was personally friendly, has asked for an interview. He has not had time to grant it to him yet, but he has no doubt he will have to do so in the course of the day. He has no doubt that the interview will be on exactly the same lines as those of his colleagues, and he does not anticipate that it will add anything of value.

Mr Lloyd George recalls that he had impressed on the Marquis Imperiali that the Allied and Associated Powers had every intention of concluding a peace with Germany and Austria. The Marquis then asked whether they were going to do so without consultation with Italy, to which he replied that there was no-one to consult with in Paris. Italy, however, had been told the result of every decision immediately affecting her. Their intention was to press on with making these Treaties of Peace, and they could not delay simply because Italy would not settle on the subject of Fiume. He had impressed strongly on him that peace would be made.

President Wilson believes that the present line that was being adopted was the best. No proposal should be made to Italy. The only question which has to be decided is as to what sort of notice should be given to Italy of our intentions. He suggests that the two conversations that have been described this afternoon might be sufficient. M Clemenceau’s conversation was more official perhaps than Mr Lloyd George’s, since it had been carried out between the President of the Conference and the Italian Ambassador in Paris. Count Bonin’s visit had been an official one, whereas the Marquis Imperiali had described his as a private one. Surely M Clemenceau’s statement gives sufficient notice to the Italian Government.

Mr Balfour pointed out that even if the Marquis Imperiali’s visit was a private one, Mr Lloyd George had not said that his remarks were private.

Mr Lloyd George reverts to the fact that he had refused to give anything in writing, but the Marquis Imperiali had said he would report the conversation to his Government. On the whole he thinks it can hardly be regarded as being so official as M Clemenceau’s conversation.

President Wilson points out that in any case, the two statements are practically identical.

Mr Lloyd George says they are identical except in the respect that the Marquis Imperiali had never said a word about President Wilson. He himself, had had to say that he could not undertake that President Wilson was now prepared to agree to what he (Mr Lloyd George) had thought he might be willing to agree to last week. The Marquis Imperiali had reminded him of the question of giving mandates to Italy for certain towns on the Dalmatian Coast and he had replied that this was the only point on which, perhaps, he had exceeded his authority from the Council.

President Wilson says the great point is as to whether the Italians have now received sufficient notice of the breach of the Pact of London.

Mr Balfour suggests that the Prime Minister would be entitled, if he thought fit, to write a letter to the Marquis Imperiali, somewhat in the following sense:

"My dear Ambassador,

One point was raised at our conversation today which is of immediate importance, and on which there should be no misunderstanding. I write this line not to supersede or alter anything I said, but merely to state that the Allied and Associated Powers intend to meet the Germans next Tuesday, and we are advised that in all the circumstances, the absence of Italy will constitute a breach of the Pact of London."

President Wilson suggests that such a letter would come better from M Clemenceau, as President of the Conference.

M Clemenceau thinks it would be better to prepare a document explaining the whole case.

President Wilson asks if it would not be sufficient to confirm in writing what M Clemenceau had already said at his interview with the Italian Ambassador.

Mr Lloyd George thinks a document putting an end to the Alliance would be a very serious one, and cannot be treated in too formal a manner. He is inclined to take M Clemenceau’s document to be read at the morning meeting.

President Wilson says that this document has been too full of “ifs”. It should contain no “ifs”. The following phrase occurred to him as a suitable one: “Absence from signing the Treaty will constitute a breach.”

M Clemenceau says the effect of this will be to bring the Italians back.

Mr Lloyd George said that he had made the Marquis Imperiali realize that the Allied and Associated Governments will not give way on the subject of Fiume.

President Wilson says that there is no need to mention Fiume. If you do, it will be an indication that there are other things on which you are prepared to discuss.

Mr Lloyd George says that the Italians will not trouble themselves much about anything except Fiume.

President Wilson says he does not believe a settlement can be reached without giving them Fiume.

Mr Lloyd George says that from many points of view he would rather they did not come back.

M Clemenceau recalls that Count Bonin had said that the only thing Italy could not accept was for Fiume to be Croat.

President Wilson points out that if the Italians insist that Fiume should not be Croat, the British and French Governments will not be bound by the rest of the Pact. They cannot free themselves from that part of the Treaty which gave Fiume to the Croats.

Mr Lloyd George says they could only do so as a compromise. He himself had told the Marquis Imperiali that he could only consent to Fiume not being Croat on the condition that the Italians would give up Dalmatia to the Yugoslavs.

President Wilson says that if one item of the Treaty is departed from, the whole Treaty is upset.

Mr Lloyd George point out however, that the Croats did not sign the Treaty of London.

President Wilson says that, nevertheless, the British and French Governments will not be morally bound if that part of the Treaty is not carried out.

Mr Balfour recall that it was Russia who had made so strong a defense in the interests of the Slavs, when the Treaty of London had been concluded. This defense only broke down in the absence of Sir Edward (now Lord) Grey, when Mr Asquith had been in charge of the Foreign Office, and had felt that in view of the general situation he must get Italy into the war and he had then forced the hands of the Czar.

Mr Lloyd George says that this is not the whole story. About that time the Allies had been trying to induce the Serbians to give up to Bulgaria a portion of Serbia which they believed ought to belong to Bulgaria, their object being to bring Bulgaria into the war. They had told the Serbians that they would get the whole of Yugoslavia in the end, and Fiume had been inserted in the Treaty in order that Serbia might eventually receive it, since this was part of the inducement to try and get them to make the concession to Bulgaria.

(After some discussion on the subject of the attitude of the Germans (in the recent meetings on the subject of credentials) the Italian question is again resumed.)

President Wilson asks if Mr Balfour had expanded the note prepared by his legal adviser.

Mr Lloyd George says that he thinks M Clemenceau’s document would be a better basis for a statement.

President Wilson considers it too long and argumentative.

M Clemenceau says that he would like to make a suggestion. In his opinion the Drafting Committee will not be ready with the Treaty by Tuesday. He does not believe it can be ready to hand to the Germans before Thursday. He thinks, therefore, that the best plan would be to leave the Italians alone for 24 hours, during which time they could consider the statements that he and Mr Lloyd George had made to Count Bonin and the Marquis Imperiali.

Mr Lloyd George agrees. Their statements, he says, had been very blunt ones.

M Clemenceau says that M Klotz had handed the reply to personally to S Crespi, who had been very annoyed with the letter. He, himself, would try and reconsider the Memorandum he had submitted. In his view, any statement sent to the Italians should contain one part which was from Mr Lloyd George and himself, and one part from the Three. In the meanwhile he suggests that he should be allowed to let Count Bonin know that a decision will be taken on Monday.

President Wilson begs him not to do this. It will be a challenge to the Italians to return.

Mr Lloyd George doubts this in view of his statement that it is useless for the Italians to return unless they were ready to give up Fiume. Mr Lloyd George says there is a good deal to be said for Mr Balfour’s plan of his writing a letter to the Marquis Imperiali confirming what he had said about the intention of the Allied and Associated Powers to meet the Germans next week. Two new factors have entered into the situation; one is that S Orlando had said that it is no use coming back if the Allies will not enforce the Pact, and the second is his own statement that it is no use their coming unless they are prepared to give up Fiume.

President Wilson refers to the Marquis Imperiali’s question about guarantees and warranties. Supposing the Italians come back and say: “We will give up Fiume but we insist on the Treaty of London”. The British and French Governments have said that they must give it them. Their guarantee is their word.

Mr Lloyd George recalls that he had also told the Marquis Imperiali that the Italian troops must leave Fiume before they would even discuss the question of Fiume.

President Wilson says that if they agree to that and came back, they could say: “We have your promise about the Treaty of London”; this was a moral guarantee. In that case it would make it impossible for the United States to sign the Treaty.

Mr Lloyd George says that then we could not have peace with Austria.

President Wilson says that the Allies could sign the Peace. The Italians had their guarantee that Great Britain and France would fulfill their engagements regardless of what it involved. What better guarantee could they have? The Marquis Imperiali could have replied on the subject of guarantees: “We have your word”.

Mr Lloyd George says that the Marquis has not answered on this point.

President Wilson says that a telegram from the United States Ambassador at Rome had been read to him on the telephone. The gist of it was that, some person of the first authority, not named, had asked if a compromise could not be reached on the following lines:

1. Fiume to be made independent.

2. Susak, while free from Italian sovereignty, not to be under Slavonian sovereignty.

(At this point President Wilson produces a map of Fiume, showing how very difficult it is to distinguish the suburb of Susak from Fiume itself.)

(It is agreed:

1. That no immediate statement should be sent to Italy warning them that their failure to sign the German Treaty would constitute a breach of the Pact of London.

2. That M Clemenceau, Mr Lloyd George, and Mr Balfour should prepare fresh drafts of statements to be considered at the next meeting.)


5. M Mantoux said that M Clemenceau has asked him to arrange for the preparation of a reply regarding the decision of the previous day in regard to the Belgian request that the German colonies should be ceded, not to the Principal Powers, but to a named list of Powers, including Belgium and Portugal. In view of the later discussion about mandatories, he wishes to know the precise nature of the reply to be sent. Are the mandates to be granted by the Allied and Associated Powers, or by the League of Nations.

President Wilson points out that the exact position is that, if the allocation of mandates is postponed until the League of Nations is in operation, the decision would rest with the League. It had been agreed, however, that the mandates should be assigned by the Allied and Associated Powers in the meanwhile.

Mr Lloyd George says that to inform M Hymans of this would be an incitement to him to obstruction. Lord Robert Cecil, with whom he had discussed the question in the morning, had begged him to get the question of the mandatories, and the nature of the mandates, settled.

President Wilson asks why, after deciding the mandatories, should the mandates also be immediately decided? The general lines of the mandates are provided for in the Covenant of the League of Nations, which contemplates various grades from virtual independence with advice, down to virtual dependence. It adds certain provisions about liquor traffic, arms traffic, etc.

Mr Lloyd George says he is being strongly pressed to insert a new condition, somewhat similar to that that had been discussed in regard to Poland dealing with the question of religious equality. The Missionary Societies are afraid that otherwise certain churches would exclude other churches.

President Wilson says that he wants to decide the question of mandatories, and that he is willing to decide the question of mandates.

Mr Balfour says his view is that the mandates should be worked out first.

Mr Lloyd George point out that this is the opposite view of his own view.

President Wilson points out that the mandatories are the only controversial part of the question.

Sir Maurice Hankey says that he believed that mandates have been discussed a good deal between the experts of the various countries.

Mr Lloyd George says that the real difficulties would arise in giving mandates to possessions in Turkey.

President Wilson agrees, and thinks Palestine will be especially difficult, owing to the Zionist question, on which the British and the United States, and he thinks also the French, Governments are to some extent committed. There is, however, he points out, plenty of time, since the League of Nations will not be in operation until the Peace Treaty with Germany has been ratified, and that will take a long time.


6. M Clemenceau says that he has received very serious complaints of the action of the British in Syria. He undertakes, at Mr Lloyd George’s request, to send him a paper on the subject.


7. Sir Maurice Hankey says that Mr Balfour has received a request which he had passed on to him (Sir Maurice Hankey) from the Chinese Delegation, for a copy of the Clauses to be introduced in the Treaty of Peace in regard to China, as well as for the proceedings of this Council in regard to them. He presumes that the proceedings, being of a very intimate, personal, and confidential character, will not be communicated. There is no precedent for communicating these proceedings to persons who had not been present. He asks for instructions, however, as to the Articles.

M Clemenceau says that he sees no objection to their receiving the Clauses.

President Wilson says that if they receive the Clauses they should certainly receive a copy of the statement which the Japanese intend to make.


8. Sir Maurice Hankey reads extracts from a letter he has received from the Chinese Delegation, enclosing a letter which had been addressed to the Chairman of the Financial Commission, drawing attention to the omission from the Clauses proposed by that Commission of a Chinese proposal to the following effect:

“In cases where one of the High Contracting Parties has a silver standard of currency, payments of debts shall be made in the currency stipulated in the contract, and at the rate of exchange on the date of settlement.”

Sir Maurice Hankey, after reading further extracts from the letter, states that Mr Keynes, who was acting for Mr. Montagu (who had resigned from the post of Chairman of the Financial Commission) had replied in the sense that the exception could not be made in the case of one country.

President Wilson says he would be very glad if something could be done to meet China in this respect, as China is not coming very well out of the Peace Treaty.

Mr Lloyd George suggests that China was not really so badly treated.


9. President Wilson shows Mr Lloyd George a draft of an agreement in regard to the disposal of German ships captured in American ports.

In reply to Sir Maurice Hankey he says that this does not affect the Treaty of Peace.

Mr Lloyd George says that he will be prepared to assent, if President Wilson will make an alteration in the Treaty so as to remove a reference to Congress. His objection to this Clause was that the British Parliament might protest against mention being made of the United States Congress and not of the British Imperial Parliament.

President Wilson says he would get over the difficulty by annexing a note to the Clauses on the subject.

(The Meeting then adjourns.)

Villa Majestic, Paris, 3 May, 1919.

Appendix I to IC–181A
[Draft Article With Respect to Russia]

Germany acknowledges and agrees to respect as permanent and inalienable the independence of all the territories which were part of the former Russian Empire.

In accordance with the provisions of Article … of Part IX and Article … of Part X Germany accepts definitely the abrogation of the Brest-Litovsk Treaty, and of all treaties, conventions and agreements entered into by her with the Maximalist Government in Russia.

The Allied and Associated Powers formally reserve the right of Russia to obtain from Germany restitution and reparation based on the principles of the present Treaty.

Appendix II to IC–181A
Alternative “C”

Draft Clause

As a guarantee for the execution of Article by which the German Government undertakes to annul the provisions of the Brest-Litovsk [Page 462]Treaty, and in order to ensure the restoration of peace and good government in the Baltic Provinces and Lithuania, all German troops at present in the said territories shall return to within the frontiers of Germany as soon as the Allies shall think the moment suitable, having regard to the internal situation of these territories. These troops shall abstain from all requisitions and seizures and from any other coercive measures, with a view to obtaining supplies intended for Germany, and shall in no way interfere with such measures for national defence as may be adopted by the Provisional Governments of Esthonia, Latvia and Lithuania.

No other German troops shall, pending the evacuation or after the evacuation is complete, be admitted to the said territories.

[Sailor Steve]

Saturday, May 3, 1919

PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE

M Pichon’s Room, Quai d’Orsay, Paris 16:00

Meeting of the Council of Foreign Ministers


1. M Pichon says that the first item on the agenda paper has reference to an amendment of article I of the clauses in the Treaty of Peace relative to German Colonies, proposed by the French Delegation. He call on M de Peretti to explain the case.

M de Peretti says that Article I of the clauses in the Treaty of Peace relative to German Colonies reads as follows:

“Germany renounces in favour of the Five Allied and Associated Powers all rights and titles appertaining to her in regard to her oversea possessions”.

The Belgian Government, after duly considering the article in question, fears that it might be deduced therefrom that only the Five Allied and Associated Powers will hereafter be entitled to be appointed mandatories in the former German overseas possessions. The Belgian Government is obviously not correct in this assumption since the Peace Treaty does not attempt to settle the question of the appointment of mandatories. Nothing, therefore, will prevent Belgium from putting forward in due course her claims to obtain a mandate. Nevertheless, in order to remove all possible cause of complaint and to quiet Belgian public opinion, it has been proposed by the French Delegation that the article in question should be amended to read as follows:

“Germany renounces all rights and titles appertaining to her in regard to her overseas possessions”.

The amendment proposed would in no way alter the substance of the article, and at the same time it would prevent the impression that it had been intended in any way to prejudge the question of the appointment of mandatories.

Mr Lansing inquires in whom the title of these German Colonies will rest.

M Pichon says that the new text proposed in no way prejudges the case. He wishes to point out that in omitting the words “Five Allied and Associated Powers” an additional inconvenience will be avoided, since it was not known whether Italy intends to participate in the negotiations with Germany, or not. Consequently, it would be better to suppress any reference to the Five Powers. Belgium maintains that she had, at the request of the Allied Governments, taken a very active part in the military operations in Africa, and she now occupies and administers valuable territories in East Africa. Consequently, were anything done to give the Belgian people the impression that in the allocation of mandates their claims would be excluded, would be interpreted by them as an unfriendly act, and would place the Government in an awkward position.

Lord Hardinge expresses the view that Mr Lansing’s objection to the amendment proposed by the French Delegation could be met by omitting the word “Five” from the original text.

Mr Lansing suggests that in place of the word “Five” the word “Principal” should be introduced. In addition, a letter should be transmitted by the “Principal” Allied and Associated Powers to the Belgian Government clearly stating that this article is in no way prejudicial to her claims eventually to become a mandatory power in Africa. The difference between the amendment suggested by himself and that proposed by Lord Hardinge lies in this, namely, that many of the small nations, possessing no interests whatever in these territories will be included in the term “Allied and Associated Powers” and, in his opinion, it would be a calamity for such Powers to vote and discuss as to who were to be appointed mandatories. To sum up, he thinks the principal Powers should hold the titles, as trustees for the future, until the determination of the mandatories.

Viscount Chinda accepts Mr Lansing’s proposal on the understanding that the territories in question will be kept in trust by the Allied and Associated Powers only until the mandatory Powers were designated.

(It is agreed that the first article of the clauses in the Treaty of Peace, relative to German Colonies, should be amended to read as follows:

“Germany renounces in favour of the Principal Allied and Associated Powers all rights and titles appertaining to her in regard to her over-sea possessions”.

It is further agreed that the following letter dated Paris, the 3rd. May, 1919, should be sent to Mr Hymans, Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs, under the signature of M Clemenceau, as President of the Peace Conference:

“Mr. Minister: The Supreme Council of the Allies had adopted for insertion in the Treaty of Peace the following clause:

‘Germany renounces, in favor of the five Allied and Associated Powers, all her rights and titles over her oversea possessions.’

The Belgian Government, having observed that such a clause would seem to exclude all claims of Belgium for acquiring a mandate over a part of the German colonies, when she nevertheless cooperated with the Allied forces, I have the honor of informing you that the Supreme Council, taking into account this observation, has decided to replace in this clause the words ‘in favor of the five Allied and Associated Powers’ with the words ‘in favor of the principal Allied and Associated Powers.’

It is well understood that this decision does not do anything to prejudice the assignment of the mandates for the German colonial territories.

Accept [etc.]

Signed Clemenceau”)


2. M Pichon says that the second question on the Agenda paper relates to the recognition of the independence of Finland. The question had been referred to the Council of Foreign Ministers by the heads of Governments. A full statement of the case would be found in a letter addressed by Mr Herbert Hoover to President Wilson.

M Laroche explains that the French Government had long ago recognized the independence of Finland. For a time the Finnish Government had been hostile to the Allied and Associated Powers and negotiations had in consequence been broken off. But, since the appointment of Gen Mannerheim’s Government, friendly relations had again become established. A Finnish Diplomatic Chargé d’Affaires had been accredited to the French Government in Paris. A Finnish Chargé d’Affaires had also been sent to London, but Great Britain had not as yet recognized the independence of Finland. The French Government had frequently expressed the wish that the independence of Finland should be recognized by all the Allied and Associated Powers. It, therefore, cordially supports the proposal now made by the American Delegation.

Mr Lansing says that he does not favour a joint recognition of the independence of Finland.

M Pichon replies that a general recognition is not intended as France had already recognized the independence of Finland.

Mr Lansing sayz that the Government of the United States of America will recognize the independence of Finland and the Government that now exists as the de facto Government.

Lord Hardinge says that the British Government is also quite ready to recognize the independence of Finland. It is felt that it would be very desirable to support Gen Mannerheim’s Government, as it constitutes the best guarantee against the outbreak of Bolshevism. Furthermore, the Finnish Government had recently given proofs of its goodwill in expelling German agents from Finland, and also in consenting to take part at a Conference with representatives of the Red Finnish Legion of Northern Russia. It is quite evident, therefore, that the present Finnish Government is anxious to meet the wishes of the Allied and Associated Powers in every way it can. Nevertheless, two questions of considerable importance remained to be settled. The first question concerns the frontiers of Finland in Petchenga, Eastern Kola and the Aaland Islands. No decision need be taken on this question immediately; but it is very desirable that a stipulation should be made that the Finnish Government should agree to accept the decision of the Peace Conference in regard to the frontiers of Finland. The second question relates to the grant by the Finnish Government of an amnesty to the Red Finns, who had served with the Allied Forces in Northern Russia. A formal stipulation on this question cannot be introduced in the document, recognizing the independence of Finland; but the Allied representatives at Helsingfors should inform the Finnish Government that, in recognizing the independence of Finland their Governments feel confident that the Finnish Government will act in a liberal and generous spirit towards the Red Finns, and that it would do its best to carry out the wishes of the Allies in that respect. With the above provisos, Great Britain is very desirous to recognize the independence of Finland.

Baron Makino informs the Council that he has received no instructions from his Government in regard to the recognition of the Finnish Government. He cannot, therefore, give an official adhesion to the proposal before the Council; but, as a matter of fact, his personal opinion was that it is very desirable that the independence of Finland should be recognized, and he will endeavor to get a definite answer from his Government as soon as possible. In regard to the frontier question, he entirely concurs with the remarks made by Lord Hardinge, namely, that Finland should agree to accept the decisions of the Peace Conference. He wishes, however, to add another remark. His information goes to show that Gen Youdenitch is trying to organize a volunteer force for the purpose of attacking the Bolshevik Armies around Petrograd; but the Finnish Government is putting obstacles in the way. It was agreed that the most convenient direction from which General Youdenitch could descend on Petrograd was from Finland, and if the Finnish Government were induced to give him a free hand, it would greatly facilitate his operations and so force the Bolshevists to retire. He understands that Gen Youdenitch is acting in consultation with Admiral Kolchak and the other anti-Bolshevik parties in Russia. If his facts are correct, he thinks this question might also be brought to the notice of the Finnish Government.

M Pichon explains that the situation of France, vis-à-vis the other Allied and Associated Governments, is exceptional since she had already recognized the independence of Finland. She cannot, therefore, now attempt any new stipulations to the original terms of recognition. Nevertheless, he will be prepared in due course to give instructions to the French official representative at Helsingfors, when appointed, to act on the lines laid down by Lord Hardinge and Baron Makino. He wishes to invite the attention of the Council, however, to the fact that for the present France is only represented in Finland by an unofficial Chargé d’Affaires for the reason that France had awaited the recognition of Finland by the other Great Powers before making an official appointment.

Lord Hardinge says that he must dissociate himself entirely from the proposal made by Baron Makino. The British Government holds the opinion that any military action by General Youdenitch against Petrograd from Finland will constitute a grave danger to Finland, besides being very speculative in its results. In his opinion, if any action were to be taken against Petrograd, it should form part of a combined action in accordance with the agreed policy of the Great Powers. It should not constitute merely an isolated action of an independent leader, like General Youdenitch.

Baron Makino admits that he is not sufficiently informed in regard to the real facts of the case. He has been told that General Youdenitch was acting in co-operation with Admiral Kolchak and the other recognized anti-Bolshevik elements. Consequently, General Youdenitch’s operation could not be described as an isolated action. He does not, however, wish to insist on this point. He has merely intended to throw out an observation for consideration. In conclusion, he would inquire whether the Finnish Government does not have territorial ambitions in the Murmansk District and in the region of Petrograd.

Lord Hardinge thinks that the Ministers are wandering away from the question at issue, and beginning a discussion of Russian policy, which is not within their present mandate. In his opinion, the question of a Finnish attack on Petrograd has nothing to do with the recognition of the independence of Finland.

Mr Lansing says that he has listened to the discussion with great interest and, as far as the question of making conditions was concerned, he thinks that Baron Makino’s suggestion is as justifiable as Lord Hardinge’s; but he does not favour either. In his opinion, a nation is entitled to the recognition of her independence, and her government is equally entitled to recognition as a de jure or de facto Government as a matter of right, and it is not justifiable to put conditions on such a recognition simply to serve some political purpose. He is ready, therefore, to recognize the independence of Finland and its de facto Government without conditions. Naturally after recognition and after the appointment of official representatives he will be quite ready to join the other Great Powers in making representations to the Finnish Government to urge it to accept the conditions mentioned by Lord Hardinge.

M Pichon says that the French Government will be prepared to act in the manner suggested by Mr Lansing.

Lord Hardinge says that he also will be ready to follow the same course, on the understanding that France and the United States of America will make representations to Finland in regard to the question of her frontiers and in regard to the granting of an Amnesty to the Red Finns as soon as official diplomatic agents have been appointed.

Mr. Lansing says it is understood, therefore, that each nation wills act separately.

Lord Hardinge agrees. He wishes to make it quite clear, however, that the recommendation of the British Government to the Finnish Government will only include the two conditions suggested by himself. It will not apply to the proposal relative to General Youdenitch’s operations against Petrograd.

(It was agreed:

(1) That the Governments of the United States of America and Great Britain would forthwith severally recognise the independence of Finland and the de facto Government.

(2) That after the recognition of the independence of Finland and after the appointment of official diplomatic representatives, the Governments of America, Great Britain and France would issue instructions to their representatives to urge the Finnish Government to accept the decisions of the Peace Conference in regard to the frontiers of Finland. Furthermore, the Finnish Government would be urged to treat the Red Finns, who had fought with the Allies, in a liberal and generous spirit by the grant of an Amnesty.

(3) That Baron Makino would forthwith communicate the above decisions to his Government with a view to its taking similar action.)


3. M Pichon says that the next question on the Agenda paper (i. e. the proposed modification of the frontier between Czechoslovakia and Hungary) had arisen from a report submitted by General Smuts, as a result of a conversation the General had had with President Mazaryk. He, (M Pichon), proposes that the question should in the first place be referred to the Inter-Allied Commission dealing with Czechoslovakian affairs, for report.

Mr. Lansing concurs.

Lord Hardinge says that the British Delegation has prepared the following resolution, which he will submit for approval:—

“It is resolved:

That in view of the explanations furnished to General Smuts by the President of the Czechoslovak Republic, the general question of the southern frontier of Slovakia shall be referred for further examination to the Sub-Committee of the Czechoslovak Commission. This Committee shall proceed from the assumption that the island of the Grosse Schütt shall be excluded from Czechoslovak territory provided that in return a small enclave opposite Presbourg is ceded to the new Republic, and they shall consider whether the exclusion of this Magyar population renders it possible to modify in favour of Czechoslovakia the frontier proposed in the Eipol valley.

The Sub-Committee shall report at the earliest possible minute.”

Mr Lansing says he will agree to the first sentence of the draft resolution, but he will oppose the remainder of the text.

M Pichon expresses his agreement with Mr Lansing’s point of view. In his opinion, the Council should not prejudge a case until it has received careful examination. He fears there had been some misunderstanding as to what President Mazaryk had said, and that the whole question requires to be cleared up.

M Laroche states that Mr Benes had formally stated that after obtaining cognizance of General Smuts’ report of his interview with President Mazaryk, he had referred the matter to the President who had replied that General Smuts had seriously misunderstood what he had said. President Mazaryk in his interview with General Smuts had merely stated that certain parties in Bohemia held the view that the Island of Grosse Schütt might be exchanged for a small enclave opposite Presbourg. President Mazaryk himself, however, did not support that proposal. He maintained that the Island of Grosse Schütt was indispensable in order to ensure free navigation of the Danube. Furthermore the President had received a deputation composed of the inhabitants of the Island of Grosse-Schütt, imploring that the Island in question should be attached to Czechoslovakia for the reason that the whole of the products of the Island, including corn, were sent to Bohemia and not to Hungary. Under those conditions the Czechoslovak delegation asked that the decision reached by the Commission on Czechoslovak affairs should be maintained.

M Pichon holds that the Inter-Allied Commission on Czechoslovakia can alone throw light on this question. Furthermore, in his opinion, the question should not be referred to the sub-commission of the Czechoslovak Commissions, but to the Commission itself.

Mr Lansing expresses his complete agreement with M. Pichon’s views. He inquires whether Mr Benes has submitted a written statement, giving President Mazaryk’s explanation.

Mr Laroche replies that he has had a personal interview with Dr Benes, who had expressed his readiness to give evidence before the Commission. Dr Benes will no doubt also be quite prepared to give a written statement if required.

Mr Lansing thinks that the Council cannot do more for the present than to refer General Smuts’ proposal to the Commission on Czechoslovak affairs for investigation and report.

Lord Hardinge says that in view of what the Council has just heard, specially in regard to the misunderstanding which had occurred, the British Delegation will withdraw its resolution. It agrees that the whole question should be referred to the Czechoslovak Commission for report.

(It is agreed to refer General Smuts’ proposal to the Commission on Czechoslovak Affairs for investigation and report.)


4. M Pichon says that the next item on the Agenda paper relates to the Allied policy in the Baltic. He understands Mr Lansing wishes to reserve this question.

Mr Lansing says that he has made a reservation on this subject because General Bliss, who has given it special study and who is to be present at its discussion, is indisposed and cannot attend the meeting. He would very much prefer to have the discussion postponed until the next meeting, which he hopes General Bliss can attend. He wishes, however, to state for the information of the Council that the proposal, submitted by certain of the American experts, a copy of which had been distributed and attached to the Agenda, does not have the approval of the American Delegation and should not be regarded as embodying the views of the latter Delegation.

(It is agreed to postpone the discussion relating to Allied policy in the Baltic to the next meeting of the Council of Foreign Ministers to be held on Monday next, the 5th May, 1919.)

(The Meeting then adjourns to Monday, May 5th, 1919.)

[Jimbuna]

4th May 1919

Salvage operations taking place with the USS Sixola, a cargo ship headed for France that caught fire and sank in Hoboken, New Jersey.


Belgian military dogs, used to pull artillery during the war, participating in a Victory Loan parade in Cincinnati, Ohio.


Milan Rastislav Štefánik, astronomer, 1st Minister of War of Czechoslovakia, and one of the leading figures of the Czechoslovakian independence movement, dies in a plane crash.


Chinese students demonstrate in Tiananmen Square in Beijing to protest the Versailles Treaty that would give Shandong to Japan. The “May Fourth Movement” morphs into a wider movement of anti-imperialism, nationalism, and reform of culture and politics.


Ship Losses:

HMS Tryphon (Royal Navy) The destroyer ran aground in the Mediterranean. She was declared a constructive total loss.

[Sailor Steve]

Sunday, May 4, 1919

PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE


There are no meetings today.

[Jimbuna]

5th May 1919

Paris Peace Conference: Italy announces that Orlando and Baron Sonnino, the Italian foreign minister, are returning to the peace conference. They arrive in Paris on May 7. During the following weeks, however, renewed efforts to reach a compromise over Fiume will fail.

U.S. Army tank participates in a victory loan parade in New York City.


Russian Communist Party flag captured by Polish troops in the ongoing Polish-Soviet War.


Margaret Woodrow Wilson (1886-1944)m daughter of President Woodrow Wilson.


Lord Robert Cecil, one of the British delegates to the Peace Conference. Paris.


Ship Losses:

HMS Cupar (Royal Navy) The Aberdare-class minesweeper struck a mine and sank off the River Tyne.
SMS Leipzig (Imperial German Navy) The hulked sail corvette capsized in Wilhelmshaven. She was raised in 1921 and scrapped.

[Sailor Steve]

Saturday, May 3, 1919

PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE

President Wilson’s House, Place des Etats-Unis, Paris 16:00

Meeting of the Council of Three


1. Sir Maurice Hankey reads the following communication, which had been received from the Drafting Committee:

“On account of the important part which the Covenant of the League of Nations plays in the draft Treaty of Peace, the Drafting Committee forwards the annexed proof indicating the changes which have been made in the text since Friday, May 3rd. The alteration in Article 22 was made under instructions given personally to M Fromageot by M Clemenceau, the President of the Conference.

“See Article 4, p. 11—Italy is omitted.
“ “ 22, p. 17.
“Annex I, p. 19.—Italy being omitted.
“ “ p. 20.—where Italy is included.”

M Clemenceau says that it is very important to France that some words should be put in to enable her to utilize native troops for the defense of French territory just as she had done in this war. He was not responsible for the actual wording employed.

President Wilson draws attention to the previous discussion which had taken place on this subject at the Council of Ten on January 30th, when it had been agreed that precisely similar wording in the resolutions on the subject of mandates, namely, “for other than police purposes and the defense of territory,” would cover France’s needs. He asks Sir Maurice Hankey to bring the matter to Lord Robert Cecil’s attention and ask him what alteration, if any, there should be in the League of Nations Covenant.

(At this point Colonel Henri is introduced.)


2. Colonel Henri, the officer in charge of the arrangements for the security of and communication with the Germans at Versailles, says that on the previous evening the Germans had sent him a message to the effect that they had been kept waiting so long that they proposed return to Berlin. This morning a subordinate official had reported to him that 14 persons would be leaving this evening. Colonel Henri had asked for their names, but the subordinate said he did not know them. Colonel Henri had insisted that he could not make the arrangements for motor cars, etc., unless he knew who the persons were, and a reply had been promised by mid-day. He was to see Baron Lersner in the afternoon.

M Clemenceau suggests that Colonel Henri should be authorized to inform the Germans of the date on which the Treaty will be handed over. This raises the question of the date. He is informed by M Dutasta that the American Representative on the Drafting Committee thinks a meeting is possible on Wednesday afternoon, but the British and French Representatives considered Thursday to be the earliest possible date.

M Clemenceau, continuing, says that he has just received news that S Orlando is coming back, and this will involve altering the first two pages of the Treaty.

Mr Lloyd George says it would be better not to alter the Treaty in print but to alter it in writing if they came back, which would show the Germans that we had intended to go on without the Italians.

President Wilson proposes that the Germans should be informed that the Treaty will be handed to them on Wednesday morning.

Mr Lloyd George prefers Wednesday afternoon.

M Clemenceau gives Colonel Henri instructions to inform the Germans as follows:

1) The delay in printing the Peace Treaty was due to the time taken in examining the full powers.

2) The Treaty is now being printed.

3) The Meeting with the Germans will be at 15:00 on Wednesday next, May 7th.

(Colonel Henri withdraws.)

(It is decided that no alteration should be made in the first two pages of the Treaty of Peace owing to the fact that the Italians had announced their intention of returning.)


3. It was decided to hold a Plenary Meeting on the following day, Tuesday, May 6th, at 15:00

(M Pichon enters.)


4. M Pichon says he has had a verbal note from S Bonin, conveying a message from Baron Sonnino. The gist of this is that, having received a vote of complete confidence from the Italian Parliament, and not desiring to complicate the situation at this very serious moment by any positive or negative act which might be interpreted as putting back the peace, and confident in the assurance by their Allies of their desire to obtain a peace satisfactory to all and in the general interest, the President of the Council and Baron Sonnino had decided to leave for Paris, arriving on Wednesday morning, with the hope of being present when the Treaty of Peace was handed to the Germans.

Sir Maurice Hankey again asks definitely whether the Drafting Committee is to alter the printing of the first two pages in view of the return of the Italians.

Mr Lloyd George replies that they should not do so. Any alteration should be made in writing at the last moment.

President Wilson agrees.

(Mr Lloyd George retired to interview the Marquis Imperiali, but returns very shortly after to say that the Marquis merely had the same message for him as M Pichon had already received from S Bonin.)

President Wilson draws attention to the following information, which relates to the Italian question:

1) Additional Italian troops have been sent to Sebenico.

2) There has been serious oppression by the Italians in the Dodecanese and in a village in Rhodes named Alanova, a bishop has actually been killed in the church where he was officiating, while a woman had also been killed by the Italians.

This information had been conveyed to him by a Greek named Russes.

Mr Lloyd George says he has received the same information.

(At this point General Sir Henry Wilson enters with maps.)

Mr Lloyd George says he has invited General Wilson to come here because he feels that the Italian movements in the East are, when considered in the aggregate, highly suspicious, and he thinks his colleagues ought to be made acquainted with them.

General Wilson explains on a map the general military position in the East as regards the Italians. At the present time, there are about 30,000 Italians in Bulgaria. General Franchet d’Esperey is responsible for making those dispositions. There were two French divisions in this region, but they were troops who had come from Odessa, very tired and not the best French troops. In Hungary there were four Romanian divisions, two weak French divisions, and, on the other side opposing the Romanians, two Hungarian divisions.

Mr Lloyd George says that in Asia Minor the Italians have occupied the harbor of Marmaris, nominally as a coaling station. They had a battalion at Konia, which had been sent there by agreement. They had landed troops at Adalia without consulting the Allied and Associated Powers and other movements were reported.

General Wilson says there are unconfirmed reports of landings at various places on the coast of Asia Minor, including Alaya.

Mr Lloyd George recalls that the Italian expedition to Tripoli had been uncommonly well concealed. He is suspicious of a similar expedition now to Asia Minor. According to his information, the Italians are arming the Bulgarians and stirring them up to attack both the Greeks and the Serbians, but especially the latter. They were the only nation not demobilizing.

M Clemenceau says this was a fact.

Mr Lloyd George thinks that the situation in the East is not being very well handled by the Allies. The Bulgarians are a most formidable people and were not being disarmed.

M Clemenceau disputes this. He says he has dispatches in regard to the breech blocks of the Bulgarian guns which proved this.

Mr Lloyd George says that the breech blocks are being taken to Sofia, where there were no Allied troops except Italians.

M Clemenceau says he had ordered them back.

Mr Lloyd George said that the Italians are the only considerable force in this region. He wishes General Henrys was in charge, as he thinks that for this particular work he is more suited than General Franchet d’Esperey.

M Clemenceau asks where General Henrys is.

General Wilson says he is on his way back from Warsaw.

Mr Lloyd George says that the British have a division and a half in the Caucasus. He would like to have examined the effect of bringing them back from the Caucasus.

President Wilson recalls the report of the Military Representatives on the distribution of forces in Turkey.

Mr Lloyd George thinks the question ought to be reconsidered. Any day it might be found that the Italians had captured Anatolia and it would be difficult to get them out of there once they had occupied it. The mandates for Turkey could not be settled now, owing to the decision to send out a Commission. He thinks, therefore, that we should fall back on his original proposal of a redistribution of the forces of occupation. The United States troops ought to go to Constantinople and to provide troops for Armenia. The British would come out of the Caucasus and the French might put a garrison in Syria, while the Greeks should be allowed to occupy Smyrna, since their compatriots are actually being massacred at the present time and there is no one to help them.

M Clemenceau says the Italians have seven battleships at Smyrna.

Mr Lloyd George says he would like to settle the forces of occupation in Turkey before the Italians return to Paris: this afternoon, if possible.

President Wilson says he cannot do it so hastily.

Mr Lloyd George says if they discuss it with the Italians, they will anticipate them.

President Wilson says he does not know where he is to find the American troops. Marshal Foch will be nervous if he withdraws United States’ troops from the occupied zone in Germany.

General Wilson says that one United States’ division will be required for Constantinople and the Straits to replace one British division and the few French battalions that were there. He cannot estimate the number required for Armenia, as this will depend on how far into the country they have to penetrate. At the present moment, the British are under an agreement to let the Italians go to the Caucasus.

Mr Lloyd George says that all he had said was that he would like the British to come out of the Caucasus and the Italians had said they would like to go in, as there is oil there.

President Wilson says he did not approve of the Italians going to the Caucasus.

M Clemenceau says he has made no agreement on the subject.

Mr Lloyd George recalls the report of the Military Representatives, which, however, he is reminded by Sir Maurice Hankey, had never been formally approved. He understands that, in any event, the British are coming out.

President Wilson asked why any troops should replace the British.

General Wilson says that unless some civilized Power was in occupation, there will be the most terrible massacres.

Mr Lloyd George agrees and points out that we could not persuade Denekin from entering Georgia.

General Wilson says he is most anxious to get the British troops out.

President Wilson says that the British troops are the only ones accustomed to this kind of business, although the French had some experience. United States’ officers would be quite unaccustomed to it.

Mr Lloyd George says that the United States’ troops would be wanted in Armenia and would not meet with difficulties, although it is not the same in the Caucasus. In reply to President Wilson, he says he fears the effect of the Italians going to the Caucasus will be very serious. He is convinced that the forces of occupation should be settled at once and then the Commission could go out.

President Wilson says this is too important a matter to be settled in a hurry. He must confer with his military advisers first.

General Wilson says that the British problem was very simple, as it merely involves taking the troops out of the Caucasus.

Mr Lloyd George says it has been proposed to put these troops in the region of Constantinople for the present, in order to have them ready to counter any move by the Italians.

M Clemenceau says that he, himself, intended to take action today as regards Bulgaria.

President Wilson says he is not at all sure as to what military troops he can dispose of.

Mr Lloyd George says that there is a general idea that the British are imperialistic in their desires, but as a matter of fact they were not willing to take any more responsibility.

President Wilson says it does not seem a question of assuming more responsibility but a question of their withdrawing their existing responsibilities.

Mr Lloyd George points out that the Caucasus is very rich, but it would be a big job to look after it and the British Empire could not assume those additional responsibilities.

President Wilson fears that to let the Italians into the Caucasus will prove to be very serious and threaten the peace of the world.

Mr Lloyd George says that to take the 1½ British divisions from the Caucasus and put them in Constantinople will safeguard the position against the Italians. Otherwise, the Allied and Associated Powers might find their hands forced. The situation ought to be tackled at once to avert this possibility.

(It is agreed:

1) That General Wilson should at once see General Bliss (to whom President Wilson sent a message by telephone) and should post General Bliss with the whole situation, in order that General Bliss may confer with President Wilson in the afternoon.

2) That the Naval Authorities should be invited to co-operate, when the naval elements enter into the problem.)

(General Wilson withdraws.)


5. In reply to a telephone message from M Pichon, it is agreed that the fact that the Italian Delegation is returning to Paris should be published.


6. Mr. Lloyd George says that a few days ago an old friend of his, formerly a Welsh member of Parliament, had called on him in Paris and said he was just leaving for Rome. He had told Mr Lloyd George that he was convinced that the Italians are anxious for an excuse to come back, and had asked if there was anything he could do. Mr Lloyd George had explained the general situation to him, without, of course, giving him any authority to act. Last night he had received a telegram from his friend in Rome, the gist of which was that he had seen S Orlando, who had said he was willing to stand by the Pact of London but had intimated that when Italy had got Dalmatia and the Islands, she would go to Croatia and make a bargain for the exchange of Fiume.

President Wilson points out that all this fits in with the naval and military movements that the Italians are making.

Mr Lloyd George says that the Italians had already broken the Treaty by occupying Fiume.

M Clemenceau pointed out, however, that the Italians have not occupied it alone: Allied troops are also in Fiume.

President Wilson recalls that the Armistice had given the right to the Allies to advance troops for the maintenance of order, and the Italians had used this excuse to push forward troops to Fiume, in which they had been joined by their Allies. This prevents us from saying that the Italians are outside their rights.

Mr Lloyd George says that he would like to tell the Italians they must withdraw. If they should plead the Armistice as an excuse for staying, we must say: “Then let the Serbians go in; they are Allies.”

President Wilson points out that the Italians are sending troops to Sebenico. They are not entitled to do that under the Armistice.

Mr Lloyd George says we ought to insist on adherence to the Armistice. They are playing the Pact of London against Great Britain and France, and it is Great Britain and France that must meet them. Our line should be to say: “You must clear out of Fiume and leave it to the Croatians, in accordance with the Pact.” They cannot afford to do that.

President Wilson says he has just received a message from Mr Lansing to the same effect as M Pichon’s and the Marquis Imperiali’s messages, namely, that the Italians will be back on Wednesday morning. The message also stated that they are coming in the hope that they can take part in the meeting with the Germans. This means that they are in the hope that the Allied and Associated Governments will make this possible for them.

Mr Lloyd George says this cannot be done on Wednesday morning.


7. M Clemenceau says that the Germans had assumed that the Allied and Associated Powers are going to make a communication of the terms published and had asked that as theirs could not be ready they might be allowed to use the one issued by the Allied and Associated Powers, M Cambon had given him this information.

Mr Lloyd George says he has received a message from General Smuts, who considers that the Germans will obtain a considerable diplomatic advantage if the treaty is published. In such a gigantic document there will have to be a good many alterations, and the Germans will claim these to be a diplomatic victory for them. He points out that in many parts of the Treaty he himself had had to trust to experts who were not really looking at the Treaty as a whole. He anticipated, when he read the Treaty as a whole, that he might find a good many unexpected clauses, some inconsistent with others, just as had happened to him sometimes in introducing a complicated Bill into Parliament.

M Clemenceau does not think it possible to keep publication back, but he would only publish a summary.

President Wilson agrees that the text ought not to be published.

Mr Lloyd George points out that M Tardieu’s summary is so long that it would occupy three whole sheets of the Times.

President Wilson says that Mr Baker, who was in general charge of the United States Press arrangement, had prepared a summary.

Mr Lloyd George said that Mr Baker’s summary had been prepared in co-operation with Mr Mair, who had done a large part of it, but even Mr. Mair’s summary would occupy two sheets of the Times.

(It is agreed that M Tardieu, Mr Baker and Mr Mair should be invited the following morning to meet the Council of Three.)


8. M Clemenceau asks how the question of Responsibilities stands.

President Wilson says he understands that it has been held up at a recent Plenary, owing to some objection by the British Dominions.

Mr Lloyd George said it is too late now to bring it before the Plenary. He understands that General Botha thinks that the names of the Germans whom it is proposed to try should be given. He had pointed out that the British had made the same demand in South Africa. General Botha had agreed to all their other demands, but would not give way on that, and had insisted that he should be given the names. General Botha had then asked Lord Kitchener whether, in his place, he would give up men to be tried without knowing their names, and Lord Kitchener had replied that as a soldier, he would not. Consequently, the negotiations had been broken off, and the war had gone on for 17 months. In the end, only three names had been given for trial.

President Wilson says he has always felt that this was the weak spot in the Treaty of Peace.

Mr Lloyd George points out that this depends on the mentality of the Germans.


9. A memorandum by the Secretary-General is considered with the result that it is agreed to proceed to Versailles that afternoon, and meet the Secretary-General there.)


10. Mr Lloyd George points out that the cost of the Army of Occupation is to have precedence over indemnities and reparation. The present Armies of Occupation were costing £300,000,000 a year. At present no limit has been placed on the size of the total army to be maintained. Unless some limitation is arranged, there will be nothing left for indemnity.

M Clemenceau says that this does not affect the Treaty of Peace, but is a matter that should be arranged between the Allied and Associated Governments.

President Wilson says that in a previous conversation it had been arranged that the British and United States forces would be very small - only sufficient to show the flag.

(It is agreed that a Committee composed of General Bliss, for the United States of America, General Sir Henry Wilson for the British Empire, and a French Officer to be designated by M Clemenceau, should meet to consider the size of the Army of Occupation of the Rhine Provinces, after conclusion of the Treaty of Peace.)


11. Mr Lloyd George points out a difficulty which has arisen about the organisation of the League of Nations. The United States of America cannot devote any money to the League until the Treaty is ratified. It is absolutely necessary, however, to get the organization of the League ready, as certain duties would fall on it very soon after the signature of the Treaty of Peace. It is not considered desirable to proceed at once to Geneva, where sufficient buildings are not available. He asks authority, therefore, on behalf of Sir Eric Drummond, Secretary-General, to establish himself temporarily in London, where he will build up the organisation of the League.

President Wilson says he has no objection.

M Clemenceau says he has no objection.

(It is agreed that the Secretary-General of the League of Nations should be authorized to establish the temporary and provisional organisation of the League of Nations in London.)


12. The Council has before it a memorandum from the Secretary-General, entitled “Free Circulation for the German Delegation”.

M Clemenceau considers that the couriers allowed to the German Delegation are quite sufficient.

President Wilson thinks that the Allied and Associated Powers should be as liberal in these matters as possible.

Mr Lloyd George points out that there is nothing for the Germans to spy on at the present time.

M Clemenceau agrees to adopt a liberal attitude.

(It is agreed that the German Delegates at Versailles should be permitted to send to Germany and vice versa, in addition to the ordinary couriers bearing the official mail, other persons, including journalists, in such proportion as they may deem necessary.)


13. M Clemenceau says he has received a protest from the Marquis Saionji against decisions having been taken in regard in regard to affairs in China and Siam without consultation with the Japanese. No complaint was made against the substance of the Articles in the Treaty of Peace that had been agreed on, but as Japan has special interests in the Far East, he considers that the Japanese Plenipotentiaries should have been present at the discussion.

President Wilson points out that as he has no objection to the substance, the matter is not very material. No-one present can recall any decision in regard to Siam, and the clauses in regard to China had been prepared by experts, but had not been discussed at any meeting.


14. Mr Lloyd George says he is very anxious to settle the question of the mandates before the Treaty of Peace.

President Wilson says that it can hardly be settled in 48 hours. In regard to Turkey in particular, it is impossible for him to give a decision at present as to whether the United States could take a mandate.

Mr Lloyd George says that as far as Great Britain was concerned he would make no objection to a settlement of the Turkish mandates, though he realizes President Wilson’s difficulty. What he is pressing for at present is the German Colonies.

M Clemenceau said he is ready at any time to discuss the matter.

President Wilson says that to all intents and purposes it has been agreed that the mandate for German South-West Africa should be given to South Africa, for New Guinea and the adjacent islands to Australia, for Samoa to New Zealand.

Mr Lloyd George says that there are still the remaining African Colonies.

M Clemenceau says there is perfect agreement on these too.

Mr Lloyd George urges early consideration of this question, as he is most anxious to be able to announce the mandates to the Press at the time when the Peace Treaty was issued.

President Wilson says he was very anxious to avoid the appearance of a division of the spoils being simultaneous with the Peace.

[Jimbuna]

6th May 1919

Four surrendered German submarines at New York’s US Navy Yard.


American troops of the 77th Division show off captured German war pigeons at a victory parade in New York City.


L. Frank Baum, American author known for writing the Wizard of Oz series, has passed away.

[Sailor Steve]

Tuesday, May 6, 1919

PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE

President Wilson’s House, Place des Etats-Unis, Paris 11:00

Meeting of the Council of Three


Arrangements for Meeting at Versailles

1. Sir Maurice Hankey says he has received a communication from the Secretary-General stating that for the indispensable material arrangements, such as protocol drafting, placing of the Delegations, assignment of cards and seats, arrangements with representatives of the Press, etc. one Secretary per Great Power and two Secretaries for the Secretary-General will be insufficient. Mr Dutasta has therefore asked that the numbers might be raised to two Secretaries each for the United States of America, United Kingdom, France, Italy, and Japan, with one Secretary for each of the other Delegations, and three members of the Secretary-General’s Secretariat.

(The above proposal is agreed to.)


2. M Clemenceau pressed very strongly that the guarantee by the British Empire and the United States of America, which it has been agreed should be given to France, should be furnished immediately, as it is important to him to be able to make an announcement on the subject.

M Tardieu said that after discussion with Mr Frazier, he suggested that the undertaking should be announced simultaneously with the signing of the Treaty of Peace to the Press, but should not form part of the Treaty. He then reads the attached form.

President Wilson says he does not like this form, which confuses the question. It is provided in the Treaty that Germany should not maintain permanent facilities for mobilization west of the Rhine. If that is put in, as M Tardieu contemplates, it will look as though, if Germany should do so, the United States will have at once to send troops. This is not what is intended. Troops are only to be sent in the event of an act of aggression. He then reads Mr Balfour’s draft, which has been handed to him by Mr Lloyd George, and which states the matter perfectly clearly. In Mr Balfour’s draft, however, he detects an error in paragraph 2, where the word “any” should be substituted for “either”. He himself would be quite prepared to sign a similar document, the paragraph in regard to Dominions of course being omitted.

M Clemenceau says he would be satisfied with this.

Mr Lloyd George says he would be prepared to sign. He says that he had already informed the Imperial War Cabinet of the decision.

M Tardieu says he could alter his draft to meet President Wilson’s criticisms.

President Wilson says he considered Mr Balfour’s draft sufficient. M Tardieu’s draft gives the impression of a triple agreement, which the United States, of course, would object to. The agreement was triple in effect, but not in form.

M Clemenceau then raises the question of the form which the announcement should take.

M Tardieu proposes a draft in some such words as the following:

“So far as the question of the French frontier on the Rhine is concerned, the United States Government and the British Government are in agreement to submit to their respective legislatures the text of the Treaty according to the terms of which the Republic of the United States of America and Great Britain will immediately bring their assistance in case of an unprovoked German aggression.”

President Wilson points out that the mention of the approval of the League of Nations had been omitted.

M Tardieu proposes to introduce the words “with the approval of the League of Nations” after the words “respective legislatures”.

Mr Lloyd George says that the mention of the League of Nations will assist him in getting it through Parliament.

President Wilson then proposes the following alternative draft:

“In addition to the securities afforded in the Treaty of Peace, the President of the United States of America has pledged himself to propose to the Senate of the United States, and the Prime Minister of Great Britain has pledged himself to propose to the Parliament of Great Britain an engagement subject to the approval of the Council of the League of Nations to come immediately to the assistance of France in case of unprovoked attack by Germany.”

(It is agreed

1) That the announcement should be made in the words proposed by President Wilson.

2) That President Wilson on behalf of the United States of America and Mr Lloyd George and Mr Balfour on behalf of Great Britain, should respectively send letters to M Clemenceau, based on Mr Balfour’s draft.

(At this point the Drafting Committee was introduced.)


3. Mr Hurst says that the Drafting Committee has found itself in a difficulty. On Friday, May 2nd, the text of an article had been approved by the Supreme Council in regard to the renunciation by Germany of the Brest-Litovsk Treaty, and other matters relating to Russia. This had been forwarded to the Drafting Committee. The Drafting Committee, however, had found that this article was less far-reaching than articles already included in the Financial and Economic Sections of the Peace Treaty, and had accordingly submitted a revised draft which was approved by the Supreme Council and duly transmitted to the Drafting Committee to supersede the original draft. Today, however, the Drafting Committee has been told that the original clause was to be reinserted.

In reply to Mr Lloyd George he says he thinks the new instructions have been given to M Fromageot by M Pichon.

M Clemenceau said that if the revised draft had been approved by the Supreme Council it ought to stand.

(It is agreed that the revised draft approved on May 3rd should stand and the Drafting Committee was given verbal instructions to carry this out.)


4. Mr Hurst says that on May 2nd, the Supreme Council had approved the following Article for incorporation in Austria the Treaty of Peace, which had been duly notified to the Drafting Committee.

“Germany acknowledges and will fully respect the independence of Austria within the frontiers established by the present Treaty as inalienable except by consent of the League of Nations”.

The difficulty in which the Drafting Committee finds themselves is that the frontiers of Austria have not been fixed. It is true that the frontiers between Germany and that part of the old Austrian Empire which is now comprised in the new Czechoslovak State had been fixed, but nothing had been said either about the frontiers between Germany and the new Austria, or about the other frontiers of Austria.

Mr Lloyd George proposes that the 1914 frontier between Austria and Germany should be adhered to.

President Wilson points out that this only provides for the boundary between Germany and Austria, whereas the Article quoted above refers to “the frontiers established by the present Treaty,” and contemplates the whole of the boundaries of Austria.

Mr Hurst says that the Drafting Committee has proposed an amendment to the effect that Germany should recognize Austria within frontiers which might be approved by the Allied and Associated Powers.

(The Drafting Committee’s proposal is agreed to, and the Drafting Committee is given verbal instructions to amend the Treaty accordingly.)


5. Mr Lloyd George says he has an appeal to make in regard to Canada. Sir Robert Borden has pointed out that Canada is, by the existing wording, ruled out of the League of Nations Council.

President Wilson points out that it is not the League of Nations Council but the Labour Convention to which he understands Sir Robert Borden refers.

Mr Lloyd George say that Sir Robert Borden’s point is not so much that he wants Canada at present to be represented on the Council, but he wants the regulation so altered that Canada can be included in the Council. He had pointed out that South American Republics such as Nicaragua, Honduras, etc. could be represented, and he maintained that the United States influence in those countries was greater than the influence of the United Kingdom in Canada.

President Wilson demurs to this, but says he does not want that point to be made in order to convince him of the justice of Sir Robert Borden’s contention. This Convention, however, had been drawn up by a Commission which has now dispersed, and passed by the Plenary Conference, and it is difficult to change it.

Mr Lloyd George says that Sir Robert Borden had actually moved and passed a resolution through the Plenary Conference, which he believes to be adequate, but the Drafting Committee did not consider it adequate. Sir Robert Borden had said that if the Drafting Committee’s view was upheld, he would have to raise the question at the Plenary Session in the afternoon, and Mr Lloyd George wants to avoid this if possible.

President Wilson asks if anyone has the exact terms of the resolution moved at the Plenary.

Mr Hurst says the substance of it had been that the Drafting Committee was instructed to bring the Labour Convention into line with the League of Nations Covenant.

Mr Lloyd George asks if M Clemenceau would agree to put Canada in the same position in regard to the Labour Convention as it was in regard to the League of Nations Covenant.

M Clemenceau agrees.

President Wilson says that this is his understanding of the situation. He was so anxious not to hold up the printing of the Peace Treaty that he thinks alterations of this kind might be put into an errata.

Mr Hurst asks that the form in which the correction should be made might be left to the Drafting Committee.

(It is agreed that the necessary alterations should be inserted in the Labour Convention, to place the Dominion(s) in the same position as regards representation on the governing body of the Labour Convention as they are already in as regards representation on the Council of the League of Nations.

2) That the form in which this should be incorporated in the Treaty of Peace should be left to the Drafting Committee.)

(The Drafting Committee are given verbal instructions to carry out this decision.)

(M Loucheur is introduced at this point together with Lord Cunliffe.)


6. M Loucheur hands in a document proposing a drafting alteration in the text of Article 232 of the Treaty of Peace.

Article 232 of the Treaty (The object of this alteration, as explained by M Loucheur, is understood to be to prevent the Germans from giving too narrow an interpretation of this Article. Annex 1 to the Reparation Clauses includes among the categories of damage for which compensation may be claimed pensions to naval and military victims of the war, whereas the actual text of this Article, although referring to Annex 1, indicates that it is only damage done to the civilian population that shall be compensated. This was the reason for inserting the words “and generally for all damage in accordance with the definition contained in Annex 1.”)

M Clemenceau insists very strongly that this alteration, which is merely a drafting one, is essential to him, as his colleagues pressed very strongly for it.

Mr Lloyd George says the question is really a legal one, and he greatly regrets the absence of Lord Sumner. After consulting Lord Cunliffe and Mr Hurst, he says that so far as he was concerned, he would accept the change.

President Wilson, after consulting Mr Brown Scott, also accepts it.

(It was agreed that the alteration proposed by M. Loucheur, should be approved, and the Drafting Committee was given verbal instructions to amend the Treaty of Peace accordingly.)

7. M Loucheur raised a question, which he said had up to now been overlooked in regard to Reparation. It was provided by the terms of the Armistice of November 11th, 1918, and the Conventions renewing it, for certain restitutions, including the surrender of ships, to take place regularly during the Armistice. Unless some provision is made for a continuation of these restitutions, they will come to a stop on the signature of Peace, and will not be renewed until the Treaty is ratified. He says that Mr Lamont and Mr McCormick were in agreement with him on the subject He urges therefore, that some clause should be inserted to provide for this defect.

(This is agreed to.)


8. Poland and Reparation Mr Lloyd George says that on the previous evening M Paderewski had pointed out to him that under the Reparation Clauses, the old Government buildings and forests of Poland, which had during the war been seized by Germany, and had now reverted to Poland, will have to be paid for by the Poles.

Mr Hurst, in reply to a question by Mr Lloyd George, says that under the Reparation Clauses all State property will have to be valued and accounted for to the Reparation pool by Poland.

President Wilson says that the Reparation Committee has powers to remit in such cases as these.

Mr Hurst says it would involve a diminution in Poland’s share in the pool.

(On President Wilson’s suggestion, it is agreed that the Reparation experts should prepare a clause to provide for this difficulty, which should be forwarded to the Drafting Committee for insertion in the Treaty of Peace.)


9. M Loucheur said that S Crespi had communicated with him to say that the decision as regards the participation of Italy in reparation is contrary to Article 11 of the Treaty of London, namely, “Italy will receive a part corresponding to her efforts and her sacrifices in the eventual war indemnity.” S Crespi has asked that this provision might be withheld.

Mr Lloyd George says it is too late.

President Wilson agrees. He says it will involve a most elaborate alteration.

Mr Lloyd George says it creates an awkward situation, but he points out that Italy had not declared war against Germany for more than 12 months after she signed the Treaty of London.

President Wilson points out that reparation is provided for, but no war indemnity.

Mr Lloyd George thinks that this narrow interpretation of indemnity will hardly be fair to Italy. Italy’s real weak point is that she had not declared war against Germany until nearly two years after the beginning of the war. Her efforts against Germany had been by no means great.

President Wilson points out that the formula on April 30th related to the attacks on Italy by Germany, and not Italy’s operations against Germany.

Mr Brown Scott suggested that the matter might be settled in the Treaty with Austria.

President Wilson says that this means that Italy will receive nothing. It is a very complicated business to make a change now.

M Loucheur reads a draft Article which he proposes should be substituted for the present Article.

(The Secretary is unable to obtain this.)

Mr Lloyd George says that the effect of M Loucheur’s proposal will be a protest on behalf of Serbia and Romania.

M Loucheur then suggests that the original text should be restored.

(This was agreed to.)

(At this point, the Drafting Committee and M Loucheur withdraw, M Tardieu having withdrawn during the discussion.)

M Dutasta, Secretary-General of the Conference, is introduced.


10. President Wilson asks M Dutasta which Governments have been invited to attend the Plenary in the afternoon.

M Dutasta says the whole of the Plenary Conference had been invited.

In a reply to a further question from President Wilson, he says that in addition to the great powers, the following States would be represented to meet the Germans:

Belgium, Brazil, Greece, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Serbia, and Czechoslovakia.

President Wilson points out that many other States, including some of the Central and South American States had declared war on Germany and would have to sign the Treaty.

Mr Lloyd George says this is because of the League of Nations. Some neutrals, however, are to join the League of Nations, and these will not be present to meet the Germans.

President Wilson says he hopes at any rate the Chinese will be included.

Mr Lloyd George and M Clemenceau agreed.

Sir Maurice Hankey says he was informed that Siam had sent aviators to the theater of war.

Mr Lloyd George says in these circumstances it would be difficult to leave Siam out.

(It is agreed that China and Siam should be added to the list of States represented when the Treaty of Peace was handed to the Germans.)


11. M Dutasta hands in a Memorandum in regard to the neutral zone of Savoy, of the Free zones of Savoy, and of the Gex district, as well as an Article proposed by the French Government for incorporation in the Treaty of Peace. He says that the text of this Article has been agreed between the French and Swiss Governments.

President Wilson says he knew nothing about the matter.

Mr Lloyd George says that he knew nothing of it either. He proposes that the Foreign Ministers should be invited to meet at once, with full powers to decide the question.

(It is agreed that the Council of Foreign Ministers should be summoned at once by the Secretary-General, and should meet with full powers to decide the questions raised in the documents presented by the Secretary-General.)


12. Sir Maurice Hankey is instructed to notify S Orlando that a meeting of the Supreme Council will be held on the following day at President Wilson’s house in the Place des Etats-Unis, at 11:00.


13. Mr Lloyd George draws attention to an article in the 'Matin', which was generally well informed about Italian affairs. This indicates that Italy will now claim the sovereignty of Fiume under the League of Nations.

President Wilson asks how long it will take the Italians to realize that they cannot get Fiume under any circumstances. The only advantage in letting the Italians have Fiume would be that it would break the Treaty of London, which he was disturbed to find allotted the Dodecanese to Italy.

M Clemenceau said he has bad news of Italian military movements.

Mr Lloyd George asks what the result of President Wilson’s inquiries in regard to the proposed Military redisposition of forces in Turkey has been.

President Wilson says he regrets to have to say that his legal advisers informed him that he has no authority to send troops to Turkey. One result of the United States policy of isolation has been that laws had been placed on the Statute Book restricting the movements of troops outside of the United States. Under existing laws it would not even be possible for him to agree to send troops to Turkey, nor could he send them unless at war with Turkey. He had tried his best to find some way out but could not. The most he can do at present, and though that is not much it might do to steady the Italians, is to express his willingness to propose to Congress legislation on the subject when he submitted the Treaty of Peace. Such legislation would practically form part of the scheme of mandates.

Mr Lloyd George points out that in the meanwhile Italy might establish herself in Anatolia.

President Wilson says that in that case Italy would be compelled to get out again. The United States was the only country where Italy could get credits for essential purposes.

Mr Lloyd George says that no discussion had taken place in regard to the mandates for Anatolia.

President Wilson says that a certain authoritative Turk had expressed the view that the whole of Turkey ought to be under a single mandate. He himself thinks that this is more than he could induce the United States to undertake. The Turks are hated in the United States, and the only ground on which a mandate would be accepted in Turkey would be to protect subject races against the Turks. He is assured that to put in a disturbing authority in Anatolia would inevitably cause trouble with the Greeks on one side and the Romanians on the other. There will be constant friction between them. Moreover, when the Italian people see what additions are involved to their budgets they will not like the arrangements. He cannot understand the position of the Italian Government in this matter. He compares it to the popular clamor against the destruction of warships, the fact not being understood how heavy was the cost of their upkeep.


14. Sir Maurice Hankey stated that he has received a letter from M Berthelot stating that the Committee set up on May 1st established that the problem applied equally to certain countries such as Romania and Greece which would receive territorial increases very much in the same conditions as new States like Poland, Czechoslovakia and the kingdom of the Serbo-Croats and Slovenes. The question was especially important by reason of guarantees to be formulated for the Jews of Romania and the Muslims of Thrace and Albania. The Committee therefore asks for an extension of its terms of reference to include Romania and Greece.

(This is approved and Sir Maurice Hankey is instructed to notify M Berthelot accordingly.)


15. President Wilson draws attention to the position the Italians have assumed in Albania.

Mr Lloyd George says that a Protectorate has been announced without informing any of their Allies.

President Wilson says that Albania ought to be independent.

Mr Lloyd George doubts if sufficient unity can be ensured.


16. Mr Lloyd George say he thinks some attempt ought to be made to proceed further in regard to Turkey. Otherwise the Italians will establish themselves there. M Clemenceau on the previous day had told them that Italy has seven battleships at Smyrna. This means that they intend to land troops. It is said that Italy is making trouble between the Greeks and Turks, and having done so they will land troops with the ostensible object of keeping the peace.

President Wilson remarks that they will have to be informed that if they do not evacuate they will get no money.

Mr Lloyd George says that America has had a good deal of experience of bankrupt countries in central America, and Europe has had a good deal of experience of the same kind in the Balkans and Turkey. The one thing these countries can always do is to make war.

President Wilson suggests that they did it by living on the country.


17. Mr Lloyd George says he thinks it ought to be decided that Mr Venizelos should be allowed to land two or three Divisions at Smyrna to protect his fellow-countrymen in Turkey.

President Wilson points out that the report of the Greek Commission is now unanimously in favour of giving this area to Greece.

M Clemenceau said he is ready to allow Mr Venizelos to send troops.

President Wilson says that undoubtedly he is ready.

M Clemenceau recalls the agreement of St. Jean de Maurienne.

Mr Lloyd George says that the agreement of St. Jean de Maurienne had been conditional on Italy playing an adequate part in the war against Turkey, and had also been subject to the agreement of Russia. He asks for a decision that Mr Venizelos might be authorized to send troops on board ship to Smyrna to be kept there ready for landing in case of necessity.

President Wilson asks why they should not be landed at once? The men do not keep in good condition on board ship.

Mr Lloyd George says he has no objection.


18. Sir Maurice Hankey reads a letter he has received from Mr Hughes, Prime Minister of Australia, in his capacity of Chairman of the Third Sub-Commission of the Commission on Reparation, enclosing a report presented by the Third Sub-Commission. The last paragraph of this report read as follows:

“Under all the circumstances the Sub-Commission thinks that no useful purpose can be served by proceeding to make recommendations unless the Supreme War Council expresses a wish that it should do so.”

Sir Maurice Hankey is authorized in replying to this letter to thank Mr Hughes for his letter and report, and to state that as this aspect of reparation has been dealt with as part of the general discussions of the Supreme Council, it will not be necessary for the Sub-Commission to make further recommendations at present.


19. At the conclusion of the meeting a message is received from the Marquis Imperiali stating that the Italian Delegation cannot arrive from Rome on the following day before 12:00 even if the train is punctual; as the Italian delegation would wish to establish contact with the Allied and Associated Governments before meeting the Germans, he asks for a postponement of this meeting for twenty-four hours.

Mr Lloyd George points out that the Italian credentials have not yet been presented. He suggests that M Pichon ought to ask S Bonin whether he wished the Italian credentials to be presented.

President Wilson says it will be impossible to change the date of the meeting. The Italians are entirely responsible themselves for the delay in their return, and must take the consequences. He agrees with Mr Lloyd George that S Bonin should be asked if he wishes the Italian credentials to be presented. Italy had left the Conference without any justification and no postponement was possible.

M Clemenceau agrees, and points out that the Italians could have returned earlier.

Mr Lloyd George agrees.

(It is agreed that M Pichon should be asked to consult S Bonin as to whether he wishes the Italian credentials to be presented to the Germans.)

Just as the Meeting is dispersing the question is raised in the ante-room by Mr Baker and Mr Mair, who were waiting there, as to the date on which the summary of the Treaty of Peace should be made public.

Sir Maurice Hankey consults M Clemenceau, who is already in his motor car, and President Wilson and Mr Lloyd George, who were in the ante-room, with the result that it is agreed that the summary of the Treaty of Peace should be published in the morning newspapers of Thursday, May 8th; that arrangements should be made to secure publicity simultaneously in all the countries concerned; and that no publicity should take place before that date.

(The question of publicity by wireless telegraphy is left to be decided when the Council of Three meet in the afternoon at the Plenary Conference.)

[Sailor Steve]

Tuesday, May 6, 1919

PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE

Preliminary Peace Conference, Protocol No. 6, Plenary Session of May 6, 1919

Nations Represented:

United States of America
Great Britain
Canada
Australia
South Africa
New Zealand
India
France
Italy
Japan
Belgium
Bolivia
Brazil
China
Cuba
Ecuador
Greece
Guatemala
The Hedjaz
Honduras
Liberia
Nicaragua
Panama
Peru
Poland
Portugal
Romania
Serbia
Siam
Czechoslovak
Uruguay

As the question of responsibility for the war had not been brought up for discussion at the previous Session, although placed on the Agenda paper, The President (M Clemenceau) inquires whether any of the Delegates desire to offer observations in that connection.

Dr. Bonilla (Honduras) draws the attention of the Conference to the wish expressed by the Honduran Delegation in regard to the question of responsibility for the war, the text of which had been deposited with the Secretariat-General.

As no other Delegate asks leave to speak, the President states that the Agenda paper calls for the discussion of the Conditions of Peace with Germany, and requests Mr Tardieu (France) to make an explanatory statement of those conditions to the Conference.

Mr Tardieu says:

"Gentlemen, the text of the Preliminaries of Peace with Germany comprises 15 Parts; I will give their titles in advance, in order to throw light on the rest of my statement:

1st Part: League of Nations.
2nd Part: Frontiers of Germany.
3rd Part: European political clauses.
4th Part: Political clauses outside Germany and outside Europe.
5th Part: Military, naval, and aerial clauses.
6th Part: Prisoners of war.
7th Part: Responsibility and enforcement of penalties.
8th Part: Reparation.
9th Part: Financial clauses.
10th Part: Economic clauses.
11th Part: Clauses regarding aerial navigation.
12th Part: Ports, railways, and waterways.
13th Part: Labor legislation.
14th Part: Guarantees.
15th Part: Miscellaneous clauses."

(What follows is a draft copy of the Peace Treaty. It is exceedingly long, listing the allocation of conditions for each country in touch with Germany. I intend to try to post the entire Treaty when it is presented to the Germans, but that will require setting aside a full day for the task.
-Steve)


After M. Tardieu has finished speaking, the President declares that, although his statement is only a mere communication, any Delegates who wish to offer observations in regard thereto will have an opportunity of doing so.


Dr Affonso Costa (Portugal) makes an impassioned speech detailing Germany's depredations against Portugal, stating that all they ask for is that Germany pay her debts to Portugal for ships and items of commerce destroyed. He states that the War has left his country in ruins. Neutral nations are being treated with preference while nations who shed their life's blood are being ignored. He goes on in this vein for some time.


Mr. Lou Tseng-Tsiang (China), speaking on behalf of the Chinese Delegation, makes a protest against the settlement of the Shantung question in the following terms:

“The Chinese Delegation is constrained to express the deep disappointment which it feels at the settlement proposed by the Council of Prime Ministers for the settlement of the questions of Kiao-chow and Shantung. For that settlement seems to have been taken as the sole basis for the clauses in the draft Treaty of Peace with Germany just read to us which are concerned with the disposal of German rights in that Chinese province. The Delegation is convinced that its disappointment will be felt just as keenly by the Chinese nation as a whole. The proposed settlement seems to have been adopted without sufficient account having been held of the considerations in regard to Right, Justice, and the national security of China which the Chinese Delegation has continuously urged on the occasions on which it was heard, firstly by the Council of Prime Ministers and Ministers for Foreign Affairs, and later on by the Council of Prime Ministers. The Chinese Delegation communicated to the latter Council a formal protest against the proposed settlement in the hope of securing its revision, and in the event of such a revision not appearing possible, it regards it as its duty to make here and now reservations in regard to the above-mentioned clauses.

“I beg the President to be so good as to cause my statement to be recorded in the Minutes of the proceedings.”


S Crespi (Italy) expresses certain reservations made by the Italian Delegation in the following terms:

“In view of the possibility that during the temporary absence of the Italian Delegation certain of the clauses already adopted with the assent of that Delegation may have been modified, I am obliged, for all necessary purposes, to make such reservations as may be warranted by the circumstances.”


Marshal Foch (France) makes a very long speech expressing his disappointment over how he believes the control of Germany's border regions should have been handled. Most of his objection is devoted to his belief that the occupation of the Rhineland should be more thorough and should last longer. He goes into great detail on this subject.


(As no one else asks leave to speak, the Session is adjourned at 17:05)

[Sailor Steve]

Tuesday, May 6, 1919

PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE

M Pichon’s Room, Quai d’Orsay, Paris 17:30

Meeting of the Council of Three


1. It is agreed that all belligerent Allied and Associated States should be present when the Treaty of Peace is handed to the Germans.


2. Mr Hurst, on behalf of the Drafting Committee, reports that an important article has by mistake been left out of the final Draft of the Treaty. On the previous evening he recalled that the Drafting Committee had received a document purporting to come from M Clemenceau in substitution for the articles that they had drafted on this subject. He had taken this fresh draft to Sir Maurice Hankey, who had also been approached on the subject by M Tardieu, and Sir Maurice Hankey had obtained a consent to it of Mr Lloyd George and President Wilson at a very late hour. A new text had then been incorporated in the final Draft of the Treaty, but on examination it was found that the following important article had been omitted:

“In case Germany violates in any way whatever the provisions of Articles 42 and 43, she shall be regarded as committing an hostile act against the Powers’ signatory to the present Treaty and as intended ta disturb the peace of the world.”

President Wilson points out that this draft differs slightly from the original draft which he had prepared. He hands the original draft to Mr. Hurst.

(It is agreed that Mr Hurst should inform the Drafting Committee that this article is to be reinstated with the wording changed so as to correspond more closely to the original draft.)


3. With reference to the decision taken in the morning that the summary of the Peace Treaty should be published on Thursday morning in the Press of all countries, it is further decided that no radio telegraphic summary should be sent out before mid-night on Wednesday, May 7th.

(M Tardieu undertakes to communicate this decision to the Secretary General.)


4. Mr Lloyd George says the only difficulty arose about Togoland and the Cameroons in regard to which he was not personally well informed.

M Clemenceau, with the consent of his colleagues, send for M Simon, the French Minister of the Colonies.

Mr Lloyd George says in regard to Togoland, he understands the British had captured one half, and the French the other half. The French want the capital named Lome. In regard to the Cameroons, the British and French had each helped to capture it. He does not know what arrangement has been reached but he understood that Lord Milner has made some arrangement.

In regard to the Pacific, he says he understands that the Mandates will be allotted as follows:

Australia should receive a Mandate of New Guinea, and the islands in the Bismarck Archipelago to the east of New Guinea.

New Zealand should receive the Mandate for Samoa.

The Japanese could receive a Mandate for certain islands north of the Equator.

President Wilson agrees in all the above.

Mr Lloyd George says having regard to the island of Nauru, some difficulty has arisen as the Governments of the United Kingdom, Australia and New Zealand, all have certain interests. He suggests the best plan would be to give the Mandate to the British Empire which would arrange exactly how it would be dealt with.

President Wilson says that if a Mandate is once assigned it cannot be handed over to one of the Dominions.

Mr Lloyd George says that the island was very valuable owing to phosphate deposits, and the United Kingdom, Australia and New Zealand are all interested in these.

President Wilson said that the policy of the open door would have to be applied. He draws attention to Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations, which provided for “equal opportunities for the trade and commerce of other members of the League”.

Mr Lloyd George suggests that it is essential that the Mandatory should have the right to apply a tariff as this was the only method by which they could raise revenue.

President Wilson points out that the United States possesses islands in the Samoan group.

In assigning the German Islands to New Zealand, difficulties would arise if a tariff were applied.

(At this point M Simon enters.)

M Clemenceau asks M Simon to state what arrangements have been made as regards Togoland.

M Simon said none have been written. The position is that the British occupy one part and the French another. He himself has been authorized by the French Government to discuss the matter with Lord Milner, and they have searched for a basis of agreement. It will probably suit both parties if the French part is joined on to Dahomey and the British part to Ashanti. The only railway is occupied by the British. He had asked Lord Milner to make a division which would be suitable to both countries and in regard to the Tribes. Lord Milner had then left for England, and the negotiations had been broken off at a time when, in his opinion, an understanding had nearly been reached.

In regard to the Cameroons there is complete agreement. The Cameroons he states are divided by a mountain range, and he explains on a map how one part could be conveniently joined to Nigeria and the other part to French territory. He had agreed this with Lord Milner, and they had arranged their scheme to suit the Tribes.

Mr Lloyd George makes the following proposal that France should become the mandatory for the Cameroons, subject to an arrangement between France and Great Britain for a readjustment between the Cameroons and Nigeria, this agreement being submitted to the approval of the League of Nations.

In regard to Togoland he understands that mandates are difficult. The country is cut into small bits, and it will be found that half of a tribe is under a mandate, and the other is not. He suggests that the principle of mandates should not apply in this case.

President Wilson thinks it is difficult to avoid mandates under the Treaty Clauses.

Mr Lloyd George states that the Treaty Clauses will merely hand over Togoland with the other former colonies to the Allied and Associated Powers, which would have a free hand to arrange for their disposal.

President Wilson agrees that the arrangement must be accommodated to the circumstances.

Mr Lloyd George proposes that M Simon should before 11:00 on the following day prepare a scheme on the following lines:

Great Britain and France to make a joint recommendation to the League of Nations in regard to the division of Togoland. France to have a mandate for the Cameroons, subject to a joint recommendation which the British and French Governments would make to the League of Nations for a rearrangement of the boundary between Nigeria and the Cameroons.

(The above is agreed to.)

(M Simon withdraws, but shortly afterwards returns and asks that the portion of the Cameroons which the Germans had forced France to give up in 1911 should not be subject to a mandate.)

President Wilson suggests that this should be included in the joint recommendation.

(This is agreed to.)


5. President Wilson asks if any answer has been received to the Treaty with invitation to Austria and Hungary to send representatives to Paris.

M Clemenceau says the Hungarian Government has fallen, and no answer has been received. A message has been sent by the French Representatives in Vienna stating that an answer had been sent, but it had not yet been received.


6. At the end of the Plenary Meeting, which preceded this meeting, Mr Lloyd George on behalf of Great Britain and President Wilson on behalf of the United States of America handed to M Clemenceau an undertaking to come to the assistance of France in the event of aggression by Germany.

[Jimbuna]

7th May 1919

German delegates receive the harsh terms of the Versailles Treaty at Trianon Palace. German government calls the unfair conditions a "violation of honour"


The British Army of the Rhine have a special brew of beer for which a German brewery is supplied with malt. Men from various regiments, sent to collect their weekly rations, tasting the beer.


The parade to end all parades was held in Pittsburgh, where their soldiers returned victorious from the bloody fields of France. Members of the Old Eighteenth Infantry Regiment and the Fifteenth Engineers marched down Fifth Avenue in the downtown district.


Captured German Submarine U-117 off Charleston, South Carolina.


Born this day, María Eva Duarte, who became Eva Perón when she married Juan Perón who later became the President of Argentina. She was the First Lady of Argentina from 1946 until her death in 1952. She was also known as Evita.

[Sailor Steve]

Wednesday, May 7, 1919

PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE

President Wilson’s House, Place des Etats-Unis, Paris 11:00

Meeting of the Council of Three (With Italy in attendance)


1. M Dutasta is introduced, and is given authority to issue one copy of the Treaty of Peace to each Delegation with a notice that it is strictly confidential.


2. M Dutasta is instructed with reference to paragraphs that had appeared in the Press, that no photographs are to be taken of the meeting with the Germans. Sketches, however, will be allowed.


3. Sir Maurice Hankey brings to notice a letter from General Botha, the Chairman of the Polish-Ukrainian Armistice Commission, asking for authority for the Secretary General to despatch the following telegram under the auspices of the Commission:

“Secretary of State

Stanislau-Tarnopol.

Since the Ukraino-Polish negotiations have been commenced under auspices of the Peace Conference at Paris, warn High Command of our army to beware of every provocation of the enemy instructing the whole army to retain composure and dignity at any price during the negotiations.”

Secretary of State
Dr. Paneyko.”

The letter also asks that general authority should be given to the Polish-Ukrainian Armistice Commission to authorize the dispatch by the Secretariat-General of such telegrams as the Commission should from time to time consider necessary in connection with its duties.

President Wilson is in favour of the necessary authority being given.

M Clemenceau does not altogether like having telegrams sent before he has seen them, but says that he will agree with the President of the United States of America.

(At this point S Orlando and Count Aldrovandi enter.)

(It is agreed

1) That the Secretary-General should have authority to send the above telegram on behalf of the Polish Ukrainian Armistice Commission.

2) That the Polish-Ukrainian Armistice Commission should be given general authority to authorize the dispatch by the Secretariat-General of such telegrams as the Commission should from time to time consider necessary in connection with its duties.)

(Sir Maurice Hankey is instructed to notify the Secretary-General accordingly.)


4. Mr Lloyd George says the situation in Russia is developing in a very remarkable manner, and will have to be dealt with soon. There has been a curious collapse of the Bolsheviks, and the British Cabinet are pressing for a decision. It seemed that Kolchak has made such progress that he might soon be in a position to join hands with the forces based on Archangel. On the other hand, it is possible that he might march direct on Moscow. This was Mr Paderewski’s view. Hence, in a short time, the Allied and Associated Powers might be faced with a Kolchak Government in Moscow. According to information furnished by Mr Tchaikowski and Mr Paderewski, Kolchak is simply a soldier and nothing more. Denekin is said to be pro-German or at any rate in the hands of a pro-German Chief of Staff. All this points to the desirability of imposing some conditions on Kolchak and Denekin before further supplies were furnished. Kolchak’s political program is vague and indefinite, containing such items as “there must be land reform”.

Mr Paderewski is afraid of a very powerful military Russia developing under Kolchak.

M Clemenceau points out that Mr Paderewski, like all Poles, is anti-Russian.

President Wilson suggests that we should demand a program of reforms and insist that our continued support depends on its being adopted.

Mr Lloyd George says that he and General Wilson have both formed a very high opinion of Mr Tchaikowski. He thinks that his colleagues ought to see him. He was sent to Siberia by the Czarist Government owing to his liberal views, and is urging that the Allies should prevent Russia from becoming Imperial again. He himself fears that more than he does Bolshevism.

M Clemenceau is afraid of both.

President Wilson says Bolshevism must collapse, whereas an Imperial Russia might remain. There is nothing in the Treaty with Germany to prevent the Germans from forming a powerful industrial and commercial union with Russia. He asks what the assistance given to Russia consists of.

Mr Lloyd George says arms and supplies.

President Wilson asks if they have been able to build up stocks. Mr Lloyd George thinks not. Kolchak’s success is probably due to the fact that the Bolshevists have no coal or oil.

(M Simon, the French Minister of the Colonies, enters.)


5. M Simon says that the document he has been asked to prepare requires a very careful text, and is not yet ready.

Mr Lloyd George says he has telephoned to Lord Milner about the Colonies, and hopes to receive an answer that afternoon. In the meanwhile, he will ask M Simon to consult with an official of the Colonial Office for whom he had sent in regard to an agreement which he handed to him.


6. President Wilson says he has received a letter from a gentleman who signed himself President of the Council and Minister of Foreign Affairs for Montenegro, claiming a place at the Conference in the afternoon on the ground that Montenegro had been an effective belligerent. He did not raise the question of his being present this afternoon, but he thought a decision ought to be taken in regard to Montenegro before the Austrian settlement was concluded.

(This is agreed to.)


7. President Wilson says that he understands that the Persians are much depressed at not being consulted in regard to the Peace Settlement. They said that their interests were not being considered.

Mr Lloyd George points out that the Turkish problem has not yet been discussed in any detail. When it is discussed he wishes the Council to hear what the representatives of India have to say, particularly in regard to Constantinople and the future of Islam. He thought that Persia ought then to be heard.


8. M Clemenceau reports that the Austrian Government has accepted the invitation to send a delegation. He then reads a dispatch from the French representative in Vienna, somewhat in the following terms:

“The Press Bulletin of Berne has announced that the Austrian Delegation will be called to Paris only in the second half of the month. The Minister of Foreign Affairs asks if this is correct. I replied that the Austrian Delegation must be ready to leave on Saturday evening. Will you let me know whether the date of arrival on the 12th is maintained. A difficulty has arisen as regards the selection of delegates. The Christian Socialists were a powerful political party and insist that the views of the Allied and Associated Powers should be met and that the Head of the Delegation should not be Dr. Klein, who is an out and out supporter of union with Germany. Hence, the exact composition of the Delegation cannot yet be indicated, although it will not exceed the numbers already indicated.”

He then reads another telegram from the Head of the French Mission in Vienna, according to which the Head of the British Mission had asked to see him to ask if the arrival of the Austrian Delegates at Paris could not be postponed, and he had replied that his own instructions came from the President of the Conference, and he had no authority to discuss the matter.

Mr Lloyd George said he knows nothing of this, and gives instructions for inquiries to be made.


9. Mr Lloyd George said he does not see why the Austrians should be mixed up in the settlement with the Yugoslavs and other parts of the old Austrian Empire. He suggests that Austria should be told that the general settlement is our affair, and that as far as she is concerned it is only proposed to draw her frontiers. No difficulty will arise about the frontiers between Austria and Italy. All the difficulties concerned Croatia and Italy.

President Wilson says he would like time to think this proposal over.

S Orlando, in reply to Mr Lloyd George, says that peace with Austria-Hungary cannot be made, because there was now no Austro-Hungarian State in the sense that there had been before the war. Austria-Hungary, having disappeared, cannot become a High Contracting Party. What will take place, he says, is a general settlement of the boundaries of the new States and Austria is one of these states. Hence it is necessary to determine the frontiers with other states at the same time.

Mr Lloyd George agrees, but could not see that Austria has anything to do with the boundaries of other States than those contiguous to her.

President Wilson says that as S Orlando had indicated, the boundaries of all the states of Austria-Hungary must be made simultaneously, and a general settlement reached. The Czechs had fought for the Allied and Associated Powers, and the Yugoslavs had remained at war with them practically to the end. He thought the boundaries of the whole of the states must be settled together.

Mr Lloyd George suggests that a beginning has to be made somewhere. Why, he asks, should Austria starve because peace had not been made with Croatia. Bolshevism and difficulties of that kind would increase in Austria the longer the delay. There is no difficulty, he understands, between the boundary of Hungary and Croatia.

President Wilson says the Peace Settlement cannot be made so easily, namely, by merely cutting up the countries into bits.

S Orlando suggests that the various negotiations should be carried out simultaneously.

President Wilson agrees, and suggests that every step should be taken as completely as possible in order that it might not transpire afterwards that there are no guarantees of the execution of the Treaty.

(The Meeting is then adjourned to the Offices of the Supreme War Council, after the Meeting with the Germans.)