Skybird
01-22-06, 03:03 PM
DOWNLOAD of complete text for easier reading:
http://people.freenet.de/Skybird/BOI.doc
Since it‘s still some weeks until my SBP review, and since I had technical problems and thus was absent for a month recently, I think it is high time for another brief essay :lol:
Abraham will count the words for that list of his...
Let’s forget Ahmadinejad for a while (I will never come to order with these oriental names: ignore my spelling), let’s look at Iran and the complete set of factual variables that form up the situation and define Iran’s longterm strategy – and the different interests of it’s opponents. The situation’s structure is pretty obvious and reasonable, imo, but since the Iran war already has started and is in phase one (influencing the public to favour the war, and rallying it behind one’s own flag, that is all part of the psychological warfare), since rethorics from both sides already starts to take over and emotions of the public start to spike high again, these simple facts easily get lost and are replaced by catch phrases, irrationality and illogical thinking. It’s an automatic process that is currently running, and as with Iraq, this time again an immediate threat by WMDs has not much to do with it all.
The following is by 90% a translation of that article on Iran by Georg Meggle, that I have linked to two times in the last week. Only at some occasion I throw in some additional thoughts of mine, or material by the very same author in his article on Iraq, that I also linked to a week ago. I certainly agree with most if not all points the author is giving, and since I see myself unable to improve the structure in which they are given in his text, I decided to simply translate his work for the most and accept to give him all credit, instead of writing my own work that probably would be far inferior in structure. If it is good, keep it, don’t mess it up...
Text in normal print is my translation of Meggle’s text. My own thoughts or addings are given in quote-boxes. Not much that I could add, though. Meggle’s text could have been written by me. Some of my remarks also are a bit off-straying, not directly linked to Iran, but I find their perspective important, and indirectly contributing to the overall theme.
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Reflections on the war against Iran
Bombs on Iran? This is no open question anymore. Open are only these questions:
When?
Who? (Israel? USA? Both? Other participants?)
What targets?
What kind of bombs?
Why/What for?
What will the world look like afterwards?
1. REASONS OF WAR
1.1 Reasons to attack
The option to attack Iran in the main is an option of Israel and, not formulated that obviously, an option of the US. But without american backup (especially politically, but also militarily) an Israeli attack is hard to imagine. So we concentrate on America’s reasons for war first.
1.1.1
The official main argument to attack Iran is the very same like three years ago in case of Iraq. The argument has two components:
a.) One needs – preemptively again – to prevent the nightmare as such: WMDs shall not get into hands of terrorists and/or Al Quaeda. Iran, so is the argument, supports these groups. Ergo...
b.) Even Iran itself in possession of WMDs would be a threat to world peace and global stability. Ergo...
1.1.2
Even the „semi-official“ reason is repeating itself. An Iran with WMD would be a primary threat for Israel. A single Hiroshima-bomb dropped on Tel Aviv – and Israel would be history. Ergo...
1.1.3
Also the substantial, fundamental reason is the same like in the past two (!) Gulf wars. It is the geostrategical perspective: the ahead-looking view that is encompassing both the whole century to come, and the whole globe. For the West, control of ressources (especially oil and gas) in the Middle and „Far Middle“ East, in the Gulf and in the Caspian region, is absolutely essential. An Iran that is evading such control and influence, or even eventually, maybe, possibly COULD evade in the future, near or far, already is threatening the lifeblood of the „free West“. Ergo...
1.1.4
Each of these reasons already is conclusive by it’s own , especially for the US. The four motivational pillars – war on terror, securing of world peace, to guarantee the existence of Israel, geostrategy – additionally support each other, and thus it all is resulting in an additional Western motive „pro bellum“ on a generic level.
1.1.5
I do not examine the standard argument, that the socalled Military-Industrial-Complex, and the American economy in general, could only function effectively and help to keep prosperity and economy in swing, if the time of peace between two (expensive) high tech wars is not getting too long. It is a very important and complex argument, but even if it would have consequences for Iran, it is not limited to the case of Iran exclusively.
Nevertheless one should also remember that the ammount of wars America has started all by itself is impressive. Military historians counted, that America is starting an „intervention“, an „operation“, a major „strike“, roughly every two years. For America, war is, different from what most Europeans are thinking today, an accepted, almost traditional habit, almost a way of life, which is made easy, since these wars are somewhat hidden for the most, and mostly are not perceived as „war“, but a limited operation, a polcie operation, a presence, a cooperation, a whatever but anything but war - and almost every time they are so far away that it is easy to ignore them. Most people that talk about war – never have fallen victim to one, never have experienced it in their own homeland, do not know by experience what it does and how it hurts a country, a culture, a people. It is exciting TV pictures only, for the most. War has never been carried onto continental American soil by a foreign foe. The high acceptance for war also may come from America seeing itself on a mission, a mission to not only to defend, but to spread American values. And since these American values even are generalized to be valid for all mankind, they tend to be understood as universal values, that must be universally enforced. In this inner logic, concerning this missionary drive (not it’s content, but it’s motivational spirit), America is not different at all from Islam. Both ideologies, Americanism and Islam, are highly expansive, and have a high cultural penetration power (for partly different reasons, though, the first depending on an understanding of real material and imagined ideological superiority, the latter depending on self-perceived ideological superiority exclusively). And finally: qualifying for the status of beeing en empire in the understanding of the traditional maritime empires we already have seen, America is subject to the same inner determinants and self-dynamics empires always are ruled by. It is both pushing into „borderzones“, into the periphery of the territoy beeing the emipir’S coreland (what in times of globalization and simultaneity has a different meanings than in the times of local empires), but all too often is pulled by these zones at the same time, and away from it’s center. Empires cannot stay and freeze in a status quo forever, and they cannot shrink and survive, they only survive as long as they expand. They cannot escape this logic. While often critizism for the course of American policy is justified, one also needs to see that it faces challenges and developements in it’s peripheries that it cannot ignore and simply pass by. If it would do so, that also would be to the massive disadvantage of those of us (mostly European nations) that love to critizise it for it’s selfish actions so often. I am aware of this dilemma, and always was. No chance that I would ever voluntarily live in the Middle East, or in comparable living conditions. I will always prefer Europe, and here: Middle and Nothern Europe, and here: Germany. I do not resist my wish for comfort and security, peace and relative high level of freedom. One needs to keep in mind that also the ruling faction, the strongest player, the king of the hill, by far has no complete freedom of action all of the time without accepting massive damage to himself in case of violating these limitations of an empire. Empires do not have the freedom not to act. They also have no freedom for unlimited tolerance, that is an illusion. And it wouldn’t be reasonable to demand someone to act knowingly to his hurting disadvantage - this is true with regard to America. With regard to Israel . And with regard to Iran as well.
I do not think the crisis is „hot“, I still think that there are many years left until it would turn into a critical issue, but it already is a situation that is a dilemma for all participants, and for me trying to decide whose side I‘m on it is a dilemma as well. I see no right side and one, that is not right. I see noone having all justice on his side in this, while his opponent is all evil. I only see two sides, both beeing subject to immense inner dynamics that determine what their interests necessarily MUST be, and I see which side is the strong and which side is the weak one (thus: the winner and the looser of the showdown). I also don’t think that the time until the crisis really becomes critical will be consumed completely. Like the author of the original text I am of the opinion that we are already living in war, first phase: preparing the public. The life fire will start sometime after Iran’s partially helping influence in Iraq no longer is needed - or wanted - by the US in Iraq (they never were close allies anyway, weren’t they :D ), and if the Israelis don’t trigger the showdown by themselves and ahead of the American timetables.
1.1.6
All these reasons in favour of war are also reasons of Israel. Of course, for Israel the feeling of beeing threatend in it’s very own existence is further increased by every – subjective or realistic – perception of weakening of it’s current total military superiority.
To some degree, this can be understood in case of Israel. From an Israeli perspective it is another reason for: bombs on Iran!
Not only an opponent gaining the strength of eventually meeting the Israeli military on terms of equal strength is threatening, but even the smallest changes in the current status of total superiority. A status of total, undisputed control is considered to be the only acceptable option. The right that one side is claiming for itself, that way is completely and passionately denied to the other side. Which, of course, creates growing resistance (where there is pressure, there is counter-pressure...)
1.2 The other side
From the perspective of Iran the world is looking slightly different: primarily it is Iranian interests that currently are threatend.
1.2.1
According to current world order, the ressources of a country in the first are possessed by that country itself, and thus are it’s own („ironic mode on“: the modern idea that public goods – oil, water, and in the forseeable future, predictably, breathing air as well – could be privatized and become possessings of individuals only, still is not too wide-spread in Islamic countries: „ironic mode off“). So:
a.) the right of disposal on it’ oil ressource is non-negotiable for Iran,
b.) every foreign party’s demand to control these ressources, that has not been admitted to by Iran in a sovereign, unmanipulated process of decision-making, is regarded as an unacceptable limiting of Iran’s sovereignity.
The German constitution wisely says in the Grundgesetz, Article 14 [Property, inheritance, expropriation] :
(1) Property and the right of inheritance shall be guaranteed. Their content and limits shall be defined by the laws.
(2) Property entails obligations. Its use shall also serve the public good.
(3) Expropriation shall only be permissible for the public good. It may only be ordered by or pursuant to a law that determines the nature and extent of compensation. Such compensation shall be determined by establishing an equitable balance between the public interest and the interests of those affected. In case of dispute respecting the amount of compensation, recourse may be had to the ordinary courts.
By it’s spirit and intention, all this is good. But when it comes to relations between nations, one of which owns something that the other wants: may the latter than label itself as part of the public of the first? Is the latter an affected party?
Laws, that are mentioned in the three paragraphs, obviously are most essential, and their construction is most critical and a sensitive issue. Common sense says it is reasonable to say that what people usually have in their households is theirs. Is it also acceptable if laws are tailored to the needs of a lobby that is in possession of unquestioned influence, privileged access to power and superiority to do so (for example during a military occupation of foreign territory), and that forms a law that protects it’s rights to possess something inside that country – in violation of the principle that public interest must be considered, especially with regard to “public“ goods like oil? Often „privatization“ in the name of „free trade“, „liberty“ and „democracy“, turns into an expropriation of the people, legalized by laws violating the basic principles described above, and that were created with especially the unjustified interest of foreign companies from outside that nation. That way a nation can be taken over and controlled externally without needing to occupy that nation by military force. As seen with the oil ressources in Iraq, or the WTO’s and ICF’s policy towards third-world-countries. Increasingly this abuse of the instrument of de facto-expropriation takes place in Western nations as well there is a new law in the S since one year or so, that really is horrifying...). Here the duel is between private persons and companies or employers for the most, the argument is tax income for communities, or job creation, or traffic lines.
The West’s current dependence on the Middle East (oil) is most unlucky and the biggest strategical vulnerabilty of ours, it also is our moral dilemma that we cannot escape as long as we accept to depend on oil. Although we have selfish interests in gaining access to oil, this need of ours gives us no legal or moral rights per se. The mutual relation between OPEC countries and the Western consumer-nations is defined as a business relation only, it is not founded on ethical values that include any argument that it is morally correct for them to sell us their oil, or fopr us to demand that deal. And the deal can be ended by either side. This is a moral dilemma for the West, and as long as we do not end but even boost our dependence on oil we will never be able to meet the Middle East on morally correct grounds“. We have selfish interests there and thus can never act as a truly neutral side (and we never have, at least during the modern era). Since we do not have moral superiority to claim in this, we can only secure our access to oil by violating reason, and moral, of the status quo. If this is clever when considering the many substantial differrences and hostile animosities between Western and Muslim culture I dare to question.
With regard to my critical view on Islam and my complete rejection of it’s presence and further advance into the West I also want to point out another perspective. An end of the West’s dependence on oil from Muslim oil producers would also strip them off their financial income to push Islam’s expansion into the Christian West. This I score as something that would be very good for us. It also would have another side-effect that is good for Islamic societies themselves, because then it would create an opportunity where they would no longer have manna (petrodollars) falling from the sky, but would be in need to actually build the capabilities by themselves to host a modern society, that means investements (intellectually, financially) in economy structures, to found that: sciences, to found that: education, and all this could only be brought forward if the monopole of Islamic orthodoxy freezing the time since roughly one millenium is broken. They either would overcome it, necessarily giving up the totalitarian self-perception that – in their view - gives them a right to rule all world, or they would fall even deeper and end in an even weaker situation where they no longer could waste ressources to propagate Muslim expansion into the West, but must take care of their immediate needs, if they want to survive as a living society in their homeplaces that are not the West. If the first happens, okay with me, if the latter: my sympathy would be extremely limited. In both cases it would be good for us non-Muslims in the West. This would necessarily mean, that Islam no longer is Islam, but that it needs to strip off it’s rigid exo-skeleton of obsolete self-restrictions and it’s attempts to appear as beeing ethically en par with the West’s tradition by declaring it’s spiritual and ethical and social superiority, despite it’s obviousy deficits and inferiority.
We are not likely to do like that, instead we will give in to our craving for oil, and some nations exessively so. By that, we nurse and take care for the growing of exactly that ideological nemesis, that is growing by our petrodollars and our own lacking self-discipline, and sooner or latter it will be strong enough to swallow our societies and wipe out our own cultural history and tradition of values. Islam does not tolerate a second, if it is strong enough to submit it.
Not that we additionally don’t try hard all by ourselves to hollow out our own history of values, in the name of exessive materialism, corruption of those communal structures that should guard and represent the interests of the few AND the many, unregulated capitalism and total liberalization of trade. We do not stand on moral ground anymore that is solid enough to give us that strong stand we need if some of us want to lecture the rest of the world. But our ancestors nevertheless have laid that basis for such a solid fundament. We sold it away thoughtlessly - for „Money...!“ - Hallelujah!
Did you know that Henry Ford initially planned his first cars to run not by oil/fuel, but some alcohol-derivate? No joke, it’s true. Actually such cars are beeing build today, even heavy equipment like caterpillars etc. They also run with vegetable oil, sometimes. Poor Mr. Ford, it was the time of the prohibition in America, and thus it was considered to be a bad idea to make alcohol available in such immense quantities, to fuel engines in this new thing called „car“. If Ford would have had his way, the problems we have with oil today wouldn’t be there, and the relations to Islam also would be more in our favour, for it wouldn’t own oil as a security – the West‘s position would be less dependant, and thus stronger . And environmental pollution would be a whole different ball game, too. Back to the topic :)
1.2.2
Even >if< Iran’s self-supply with oil and gas may be secured over the longer future, it’s economy and industry cannot survive without exporting these ressources, because their export is Iran’s main financial income. The current relation between self-supply and export is roughly 50:50, this means it is by far not optimal for Iran. In other words: although it is an oil-rich country, Iran needs additional energy sources in fact, from it’s perspective this includes nuclear energy as well. For efficiency reasons, Iran is looking, like almost all Western industry nations, for a closed nuclear cycle (reprocessing plants).
It needs no further explanation, that the economical and thus political independence can only be acchieved by possessing such plants. Russia as energy guarantor? Or Aserbaidjhan? An immense risk!
1.2.3
The geostrategical importance of Iran is also known by Iran itself; that both East (China) and West are depending on it’s oil ressources either means Iran’s raise (if it is allowed to take profit from it’s ressources itself) or or it’s deep fall, if not it‘s complete ruin. The last alternative can only be avoided, if the country can resist to foreign pressure from outside. For that, a reliable (=basing on self-interest) protection by a third party, or an adequately strong deterrence is indispensible. Optimal would be both.
China would be the ideal partner for the first alternative, and indeed: with no other country Iran has enforced and strengthend it’ economical and political relation that much as with china in recent years. But China still is not strong enough to start a war for ressources with the US. Not yet.
So only the second alternative is left. Iran needs it’s own potential for deterrence. So, despite all opposing explanations, Iran has an objective and urgent need to have it’s nuclear bomb, it is indispensible for iran if it does not want to loose it’s ability to protect it’s most natural interests all by itself. Iran would be stupid, if it WOULD NOT draw this conclusion. Ergo...
A basic question to international politics: to what extent may „strong nations“ demand „weaker nations“ to act stupid and self-damaging?
1.2.4
One also must objectively recognize, that the strategical security status of Iran has aggrevated drastically. Iran not only imagines it is surrounded by US-dominated forces – it really is surrounded that way, as a matter of fact.
Afghanistan and Pakistan in the east, Iraq and Kuwait in the west. In the northeast the instabile Turkmenistan, in northwest the NATO-member Turkey with it’s own strong ambitions to gain regional hegemony; then a little bit or Armenia and Aserbaidjan, whose oil ressources already get workd on by western companies; in the south, beyond the Gulf, Saudi-Arabia, Katar, the UAE and Oman, with more or less military presence of the US.
Add to this the traditional animosity and hostility between Persians and the Arab majority of Islam, which is for historical reasons.
1.2.5
Even more: there are already two nuclear powers in the region, of whose raise noone made a big thing: Pakistan and Israel. Why should Iran/Persia, whose people is quite proud of it’s long history, accept that it is not judged by the same scale as these two nations?
A valid, but risky argument by author. It can serve as an excuse to allow ANY nation to gain access to WMDs. To prevent proliferation may seem to be a good thing, morally, but that as an argument to not allow nations to built nukes has it’s own inner contradiction, is always split-tongued and always will offer a wide flank open for attack based on the demand for treating nations by the same laws and scales of values.
1.2.6
And finally, despite economical cooperation (this may come as a surprise for some!), Israel and Iran, officially, regard each other as hostile enemies. Israel is a nuclear power and on a high technological niveau. Iran does not have anything that comes close to Israel’s capabilities. The mutual threat-relation currently is extremely asymmetrical. Concerning WMDs, Israel is a far bigger threat for Iran, than the other way around.
Which is a valid argument for Iran. And not wanting to change that status quo is a valid interest of Israel that can be understood. There is no superior reason or logic to judge and decide this thing by, one, that is beyond selfishness and self-interest, and declares one side as beeing right, and the other side as foolish. You have to recognize the validity of both interests, then. That means this war is not about right or wrong, good or evil, just or illegal. It only is about: who is the stronger one in this confrontation? Leave values, politics, religion out of this, they do ot decide this thing. The West will try to cripple Iran’s freedom of acting, because it thinks it has the ability to do so. That simple.
Eventually gaining more influence over the oil ressources and structures of inner-Iranian oil-business by that – who should have known that a weaker Iran may be forced to lower some of it’s restrictions in that field, if after a war it struggles to survive economically, eh? No one could have known that in advance...
1.3 Conclusions – And who is drawing them
1.3.1
Both side are claiming to have most vital and essential interests. But these interests are diametrically opposite. So...
So what...? The answers of the more powerful side, according to it’s own logic, can only be one: let’s bomb Iran!
1.3.2
The powerful side – that is the US and it’s vasalls (those NATO states that are willing to accept the american‘s/Israeli‘s logic, if by conviction, foolish mind or by pragmatism is of no matter; we can assume for sure that Britain again will enjoy to be the first to line up in the first row of battle order), and beside those „democratic“ friends there will also be followers in the war on terror, who are anything but democratic (so much for the ideals of the global American mission). And of course, Israel.
How will the first attack be started? The Iraqi nuclear reactor at Osirak in summer 1981, when Iraq was said to have reached the same level of progress than Iran is said by the Israelis today, had been bombed by Israel in a solo run. The issue in Iran necessarily will be of higher callibre. The talk is of 30 installation that qualify as beeing a valid target in order to dismantle the Iranian nuclear program. But in sandbox games and according studies, as documented by James Fallows, the talk is of over 300 targets, of which at least 125 should be linked to the nuclear program – or that shall be storages for chemical or biological weapons.
should one conclude from that that we are at the point of the program where it is not only about a nuclear thread anymore, but a general biologcial and chemical thread as well? Let’s remember, now they will start to upgrade the iranian army and air defense to rank amongst the five strongest in the world. Then the first reports of most barbaric atrocities towards civilians and babies during the first Gulf war should start to drop in. Probably they use foreign babies for barbecue.
If you think you feel reminded of the talking before the Iraq war, then I hardly think that is accidental. Watch some recordings of the propaganda back then and replace the word „Iraq“ with „Iran“ – and you know where your deja-vu might come from. I just red an essay this morning, describing that in the initial stages of the Iraq war the CIA expressed time and again massive doubts over information given by the Israeli intel, and that the Pentagon also was very unhappy with the course set for war. I always have accused GWB to have abused and manipulated the CIA (which I never was that angry with during the events before the last Gulf war), and that Tennet probably was nothing more than a fall-guy (if he would have had format and backbone (and wits), he would have quit service long before the war started militarily, so I am not sad for him). Wolfowitz was said to have been enraged repeatedly by the obviously wrong and manipulative Israeli intel information that was triggering so much urgency, so was the foreign department very angry, too – but Bush believed it. We know how it ended: Bush wanted evidence for the lies he planned to give as reasons for the war, he did not order an objective search for evidence, but defined in advance what he demanded them to find - for some reason he wanted that war as much as the Israelis, although their reasons for wishing that might have been different; and so the great householder in the White House told the CIA to find his evidence that he needed so desperately, and when the CIA replied they could not find such evidence he ordered them to get him that evidence nevertheless (translates into: „if you can’t find evidence, then this does not mean that maybe there is no evidence because the situation is like that there cannot be anything suspiciously going on creating evidence, so I want you to artificially create the evidence for me, – where is the difference? It serves a good purpose – mine.“ Way to bypass a reality that did not fit into the plans. Later, the British-made desaster with that missile-warning-dossier excelled in this same tactical practise.). The missile-dossier. The Niger deal. The mobile bio-laboratories. Satellite images. Aerial images. High tech images. Other images. More images. The secret storage sites. The link to Al Quaeda. The involvement in 9/11. The nuclear program that was just months away to produce a nuclear warhead. A veil of powder sugar in the SC of the UN. – The same procedure as in every war, it already has started. My favourite PR operations were the reports on the Iraqis killing babies inside hospitals during the Kuwait invasion, the video from a fighter-bomber who shreddered a trainbridge in Kosovo and was said the pilot had no time to react to the train approaching because it was so dman fast (later it was found out that the video was played at 10x speed during the press confernece, well, train is train and bridge is bridge, don’t confuse your readers with different speeds settings, they are not used to work mentally...), and of course the heartwarming, tear-shedding wonderfull rescue of private Lynn (thank God, a woman, and a young and attractive one, too! That adds to the sympathy score for the brave rescuers: the Tarzan&Jayne-factor) during the war 2003 (thank God that two camera teams were near that place and at the right time, by chance, of course. The army does Hollywood proud!) Where as this time the British intel so far only says cautiously, that maybe in the middle of the next decade Iran may be ready to produce a nuclear warhead, it is again the Israelis pressing every gas pedal they can reach in order to start this war as soon as possible – this time they say, that Iran is just four months away from constructing the bomb. That means begin of hostilities in late April. Big PR stunt! Fear in the faces, the audience does not dare to applaude! The directors of psychological warfare against their own population at home surely had enough opportunities since CCN in Baghdad 1991 to learn to master their job with blindfolded eyes. A feeling of immediate urgency, and the feeling of fear are the keys in which their partitions are written. They play on the public’s emotions like a musician plays an organ. Hope you have a sense for music. If you still have doubts on how badly we need to get rid of Iran, probably not. Which might serve you well in this, probably. If you are deaf, you are also immune to some of the rethoric.
1.3.3
Not that Israel couldn’t run such a huge operation all by itself, without doubt it would be able to execute even bigger efforts than this. But: it would be unreasonable by them to expose themselves exclusvely to possible iranian retaliation (or general Arab anger and terror that both would be strengthened by this operation). So one can expect that the US will be participating from the very beginning, and maybe or probably will run the opening strikes even all by themselves again.
2. WAR! – AND QUICKLY, PLEASE!
2.1
All the reasons that are described so far are reasons for an attack as soon as possible. The reasons of 1.1 anyway, but also some of the reasons that from an iranian perspective speak for an increased Iranian effort to gain nuclear weapons as fast as possible. For example the geo-strategical argument in 1.2.3 At the same time, the Iranian reason to speed up their program are reasons for the West to speed up the war. And vice versa. A situation of mutual reinforcement
If a country already possesses WMDs, the risk for an attacker cannot be calculated any longer, the country thus becomes immune to foreign threats and pressure. Attacking it is no longer an option (f.e. Northkorea). Ergo...
2.2
But when will Iran possess WMDs, if their ability to gain them is not blocked? Opinions on this differ significantly. Some say it still could last several years. British sources agree on that, vaguely mentioning around ten years of time. The conservative Washington Post from 02. August 2008 also talked of the middle of the next decade. Other sources, especially Israeli sources (for example the chief of the Mossad, as quoted by German magazine „Der Spiegel“ from 6th January 2006), and sources that are tied to Israel or sympathize with Israeli interests, don’t talk of years, but months only. Four months from now on, they say.
Which is completely absurd and idiotic, imo, for three reasons: first, if they would have been so short of finishing their task, they wouldn’t have agreed to seal their installations and let work rest for that ammount of time. When they agree to do that the Western military preparations were not finsihed and probably wouldn’t have made up the time they lagged behind until the iranians were done. And second, they have started to brake the seals just days ago, and still not all installations are runnig again, while I write this, it takes time to prepare such huge plants and installation and bring them back to normal perational level again. And when that is done – the first point I mentioned here still would speak against an iranian finsih that soon. In a past topic I estimated 12-15 years, and recently I corrected that to around 8-10 years or so, and somehow I think that is a good answer to bet money on. So I see no reason or excuse for the growing hysteria with Iran currently, and a military strike this or next year. And third: if they really would have been only months away last autumn, there would have been no need for the europeans to negotiate with them again, for they wouldn’T have had someone willing to talk to them – for the Israelis already would have attacked them with or without the US, no matter what the UN-SC had said. - Concerning Ahmadinejad – let him yell, let him talk, he is a little man that now feels big, he adresses those people in his society of whom he expects they will vote him again, I don’t expect him to stay in power for the next 10 years. Wanting a big club right now, and eventually getting one in ten years are two separate things, for the forseeable future.
http://people.freenet.de/Skybird/BOI.doc
Since it‘s still some weeks until my SBP review, and since I had technical problems and thus was absent for a month recently, I think it is high time for another brief essay :lol:
Abraham will count the words for that list of his...
Let’s forget Ahmadinejad for a while (I will never come to order with these oriental names: ignore my spelling), let’s look at Iran and the complete set of factual variables that form up the situation and define Iran’s longterm strategy – and the different interests of it’s opponents. The situation’s structure is pretty obvious and reasonable, imo, but since the Iran war already has started and is in phase one (influencing the public to favour the war, and rallying it behind one’s own flag, that is all part of the psychological warfare), since rethorics from both sides already starts to take over and emotions of the public start to spike high again, these simple facts easily get lost and are replaced by catch phrases, irrationality and illogical thinking. It’s an automatic process that is currently running, and as with Iraq, this time again an immediate threat by WMDs has not much to do with it all.
The following is by 90% a translation of that article on Iran by Georg Meggle, that I have linked to two times in the last week. Only at some occasion I throw in some additional thoughts of mine, or material by the very same author in his article on Iraq, that I also linked to a week ago. I certainly agree with most if not all points the author is giving, and since I see myself unable to improve the structure in which they are given in his text, I decided to simply translate his work for the most and accept to give him all credit, instead of writing my own work that probably would be far inferior in structure. If it is good, keep it, don’t mess it up...
Text in normal print is my translation of Meggle’s text. My own thoughts or addings are given in quote-boxes. Not much that I could add, though. Meggle’s text could have been written by me. Some of my remarks also are a bit off-straying, not directly linked to Iran, but I find their perspective important, and indirectly contributing to the overall theme.
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Reflections on the war against Iran
Bombs on Iran? This is no open question anymore. Open are only these questions:
When?
Who? (Israel? USA? Both? Other participants?)
What targets?
What kind of bombs?
Why/What for?
What will the world look like afterwards?
1. REASONS OF WAR
1.1 Reasons to attack
The option to attack Iran in the main is an option of Israel and, not formulated that obviously, an option of the US. But without american backup (especially politically, but also militarily) an Israeli attack is hard to imagine. So we concentrate on America’s reasons for war first.
1.1.1
The official main argument to attack Iran is the very same like three years ago in case of Iraq. The argument has two components:
a.) One needs – preemptively again – to prevent the nightmare as such: WMDs shall not get into hands of terrorists and/or Al Quaeda. Iran, so is the argument, supports these groups. Ergo...
b.) Even Iran itself in possession of WMDs would be a threat to world peace and global stability. Ergo...
1.1.2
Even the „semi-official“ reason is repeating itself. An Iran with WMD would be a primary threat for Israel. A single Hiroshima-bomb dropped on Tel Aviv – and Israel would be history. Ergo...
1.1.3
Also the substantial, fundamental reason is the same like in the past two (!) Gulf wars. It is the geostrategical perspective: the ahead-looking view that is encompassing both the whole century to come, and the whole globe. For the West, control of ressources (especially oil and gas) in the Middle and „Far Middle“ East, in the Gulf and in the Caspian region, is absolutely essential. An Iran that is evading such control and influence, or even eventually, maybe, possibly COULD evade in the future, near or far, already is threatening the lifeblood of the „free West“. Ergo...
1.1.4
Each of these reasons already is conclusive by it’s own , especially for the US. The four motivational pillars – war on terror, securing of world peace, to guarantee the existence of Israel, geostrategy – additionally support each other, and thus it all is resulting in an additional Western motive „pro bellum“ on a generic level.
1.1.5
I do not examine the standard argument, that the socalled Military-Industrial-Complex, and the American economy in general, could only function effectively and help to keep prosperity and economy in swing, if the time of peace between two (expensive) high tech wars is not getting too long. It is a very important and complex argument, but even if it would have consequences for Iran, it is not limited to the case of Iran exclusively.
Nevertheless one should also remember that the ammount of wars America has started all by itself is impressive. Military historians counted, that America is starting an „intervention“, an „operation“, a major „strike“, roughly every two years. For America, war is, different from what most Europeans are thinking today, an accepted, almost traditional habit, almost a way of life, which is made easy, since these wars are somewhat hidden for the most, and mostly are not perceived as „war“, but a limited operation, a polcie operation, a presence, a cooperation, a whatever but anything but war - and almost every time they are so far away that it is easy to ignore them. Most people that talk about war – never have fallen victim to one, never have experienced it in their own homeland, do not know by experience what it does and how it hurts a country, a culture, a people. It is exciting TV pictures only, for the most. War has never been carried onto continental American soil by a foreign foe. The high acceptance for war also may come from America seeing itself on a mission, a mission to not only to defend, but to spread American values. And since these American values even are generalized to be valid for all mankind, they tend to be understood as universal values, that must be universally enforced. In this inner logic, concerning this missionary drive (not it’s content, but it’s motivational spirit), America is not different at all from Islam. Both ideologies, Americanism and Islam, are highly expansive, and have a high cultural penetration power (for partly different reasons, though, the first depending on an understanding of real material and imagined ideological superiority, the latter depending on self-perceived ideological superiority exclusively). And finally: qualifying for the status of beeing en empire in the understanding of the traditional maritime empires we already have seen, America is subject to the same inner determinants and self-dynamics empires always are ruled by. It is both pushing into „borderzones“, into the periphery of the territoy beeing the emipir’S coreland (what in times of globalization and simultaneity has a different meanings than in the times of local empires), but all too often is pulled by these zones at the same time, and away from it’s center. Empires cannot stay and freeze in a status quo forever, and they cannot shrink and survive, they only survive as long as they expand. They cannot escape this logic. While often critizism for the course of American policy is justified, one also needs to see that it faces challenges and developements in it’s peripheries that it cannot ignore and simply pass by. If it would do so, that also would be to the massive disadvantage of those of us (mostly European nations) that love to critizise it for it’s selfish actions so often. I am aware of this dilemma, and always was. No chance that I would ever voluntarily live in the Middle East, or in comparable living conditions. I will always prefer Europe, and here: Middle and Nothern Europe, and here: Germany. I do not resist my wish for comfort and security, peace and relative high level of freedom. One needs to keep in mind that also the ruling faction, the strongest player, the king of the hill, by far has no complete freedom of action all of the time without accepting massive damage to himself in case of violating these limitations of an empire. Empires do not have the freedom not to act. They also have no freedom for unlimited tolerance, that is an illusion. And it wouldn’t be reasonable to demand someone to act knowingly to his hurting disadvantage - this is true with regard to America. With regard to Israel . And with regard to Iran as well.
I do not think the crisis is „hot“, I still think that there are many years left until it would turn into a critical issue, but it already is a situation that is a dilemma for all participants, and for me trying to decide whose side I‘m on it is a dilemma as well. I see no right side and one, that is not right. I see noone having all justice on his side in this, while his opponent is all evil. I only see two sides, both beeing subject to immense inner dynamics that determine what their interests necessarily MUST be, and I see which side is the strong and which side is the weak one (thus: the winner and the looser of the showdown). I also don’t think that the time until the crisis really becomes critical will be consumed completely. Like the author of the original text I am of the opinion that we are already living in war, first phase: preparing the public. The life fire will start sometime after Iran’s partially helping influence in Iraq no longer is needed - or wanted - by the US in Iraq (they never were close allies anyway, weren’t they :D ), and if the Israelis don’t trigger the showdown by themselves and ahead of the American timetables.
1.1.6
All these reasons in favour of war are also reasons of Israel. Of course, for Israel the feeling of beeing threatend in it’s very own existence is further increased by every – subjective or realistic – perception of weakening of it’s current total military superiority.
To some degree, this can be understood in case of Israel. From an Israeli perspective it is another reason for: bombs on Iran!
Not only an opponent gaining the strength of eventually meeting the Israeli military on terms of equal strength is threatening, but even the smallest changes in the current status of total superiority. A status of total, undisputed control is considered to be the only acceptable option. The right that one side is claiming for itself, that way is completely and passionately denied to the other side. Which, of course, creates growing resistance (where there is pressure, there is counter-pressure...)
1.2 The other side
From the perspective of Iran the world is looking slightly different: primarily it is Iranian interests that currently are threatend.
1.2.1
According to current world order, the ressources of a country in the first are possessed by that country itself, and thus are it’s own („ironic mode on“: the modern idea that public goods – oil, water, and in the forseeable future, predictably, breathing air as well – could be privatized and become possessings of individuals only, still is not too wide-spread in Islamic countries: „ironic mode off“). So:
a.) the right of disposal on it’ oil ressource is non-negotiable for Iran,
b.) every foreign party’s demand to control these ressources, that has not been admitted to by Iran in a sovereign, unmanipulated process of decision-making, is regarded as an unacceptable limiting of Iran’s sovereignity.
The German constitution wisely says in the Grundgesetz, Article 14 [Property, inheritance, expropriation] :
(1) Property and the right of inheritance shall be guaranteed. Their content and limits shall be defined by the laws.
(2) Property entails obligations. Its use shall also serve the public good.
(3) Expropriation shall only be permissible for the public good. It may only be ordered by or pursuant to a law that determines the nature and extent of compensation. Such compensation shall be determined by establishing an equitable balance between the public interest and the interests of those affected. In case of dispute respecting the amount of compensation, recourse may be had to the ordinary courts.
By it’s spirit and intention, all this is good. But when it comes to relations between nations, one of which owns something that the other wants: may the latter than label itself as part of the public of the first? Is the latter an affected party?
Laws, that are mentioned in the three paragraphs, obviously are most essential, and their construction is most critical and a sensitive issue. Common sense says it is reasonable to say that what people usually have in their households is theirs. Is it also acceptable if laws are tailored to the needs of a lobby that is in possession of unquestioned influence, privileged access to power and superiority to do so (for example during a military occupation of foreign territory), and that forms a law that protects it’s rights to possess something inside that country – in violation of the principle that public interest must be considered, especially with regard to “public“ goods like oil? Often „privatization“ in the name of „free trade“, „liberty“ and „democracy“, turns into an expropriation of the people, legalized by laws violating the basic principles described above, and that were created with especially the unjustified interest of foreign companies from outside that nation. That way a nation can be taken over and controlled externally without needing to occupy that nation by military force. As seen with the oil ressources in Iraq, or the WTO’s and ICF’s policy towards third-world-countries. Increasingly this abuse of the instrument of de facto-expropriation takes place in Western nations as well there is a new law in the S since one year or so, that really is horrifying...). Here the duel is between private persons and companies or employers for the most, the argument is tax income for communities, or job creation, or traffic lines.
The West’s current dependence on the Middle East (oil) is most unlucky and the biggest strategical vulnerabilty of ours, it also is our moral dilemma that we cannot escape as long as we accept to depend on oil. Although we have selfish interests in gaining access to oil, this need of ours gives us no legal or moral rights per se. The mutual relation between OPEC countries and the Western consumer-nations is defined as a business relation only, it is not founded on ethical values that include any argument that it is morally correct for them to sell us their oil, or fopr us to demand that deal. And the deal can be ended by either side. This is a moral dilemma for the West, and as long as we do not end but even boost our dependence on oil we will never be able to meet the Middle East on morally correct grounds“. We have selfish interests there and thus can never act as a truly neutral side (and we never have, at least during the modern era). Since we do not have moral superiority to claim in this, we can only secure our access to oil by violating reason, and moral, of the status quo. If this is clever when considering the many substantial differrences and hostile animosities between Western and Muslim culture I dare to question.
With regard to my critical view on Islam and my complete rejection of it’s presence and further advance into the West I also want to point out another perspective. An end of the West’s dependence on oil from Muslim oil producers would also strip them off their financial income to push Islam’s expansion into the Christian West. This I score as something that would be very good for us. It also would have another side-effect that is good for Islamic societies themselves, because then it would create an opportunity where they would no longer have manna (petrodollars) falling from the sky, but would be in need to actually build the capabilities by themselves to host a modern society, that means investements (intellectually, financially) in economy structures, to found that: sciences, to found that: education, and all this could only be brought forward if the monopole of Islamic orthodoxy freezing the time since roughly one millenium is broken. They either would overcome it, necessarily giving up the totalitarian self-perception that – in their view - gives them a right to rule all world, or they would fall even deeper and end in an even weaker situation where they no longer could waste ressources to propagate Muslim expansion into the West, but must take care of their immediate needs, if they want to survive as a living society in their homeplaces that are not the West. If the first happens, okay with me, if the latter: my sympathy would be extremely limited. In both cases it would be good for us non-Muslims in the West. This would necessarily mean, that Islam no longer is Islam, but that it needs to strip off it’s rigid exo-skeleton of obsolete self-restrictions and it’s attempts to appear as beeing ethically en par with the West’s tradition by declaring it’s spiritual and ethical and social superiority, despite it’s obviousy deficits and inferiority.
We are not likely to do like that, instead we will give in to our craving for oil, and some nations exessively so. By that, we nurse and take care for the growing of exactly that ideological nemesis, that is growing by our petrodollars and our own lacking self-discipline, and sooner or latter it will be strong enough to swallow our societies and wipe out our own cultural history and tradition of values. Islam does not tolerate a second, if it is strong enough to submit it.
Not that we additionally don’t try hard all by ourselves to hollow out our own history of values, in the name of exessive materialism, corruption of those communal structures that should guard and represent the interests of the few AND the many, unregulated capitalism and total liberalization of trade. We do not stand on moral ground anymore that is solid enough to give us that strong stand we need if some of us want to lecture the rest of the world. But our ancestors nevertheless have laid that basis for such a solid fundament. We sold it away thoughtlessly - for „Money...!“ - Hallelujah!
Did you know that Henry Ford initially planned his first cars to run not by oil/fuel, but some alcohol-derivate? No joke, it’s true. Actually such cars are beeing build today, even heavy equipment like caterpillars etc. They also run with vegetable oil, sometimes. Poor Mr. Ford, it was the time of the prohibition in America, and thus it was considered to be a bad idea to make alcohol available in such immense quantities, to fuel engines in this new thing called „car“. If Ford would have had his way, the problems we have with oil today wouldn’t be there, and the relations to Islam also would be more in our favour, for it wouldn’t own oil as a security – the West‘s position would be less dependant, and thus stronger . And environmental pollution would be a whole different ball game, too. Back to the topic :)
1.2.2
Even >if< Iran’s self-supply with oil and gas may be secured over the longer future, it’s economy and industry cannot survive without exporting these ressources, because their export is Iran’s main financial income. The current relation between self-supply and export is roughly 50:50, this means it is by far not optimal for Iran. In other words: although it is an oil-rich country, Iran needs additional energy sources in fact, from it’s perspective this includes nuclear energy as well. For efficiency reasons, Iran is looking, like almost all Western industry nations, for a closed nuclear cycle (reprocessing plants).
It needs no further explanation, that the economical and thus political independence can only be acchieved by possessing such plants. Russia as energy guarantor? Or Aserbaidjhan? An immense risk!
1.2.3
The geostrategical importance of Iran is also known by Iran itself; that both East (China) and West are depending on it’s oil ressources either means Iran’s raise (if it is allowed to take profit from it’s ressources itself) or or it’s deep fall, if not it‘s complete ruin. The last alternative can only be avoided, if the country can resist to foreign pressure from outside. For that, a reliable (=basing on self-interest) protection by a third party, or an adequately strong deterrence is indispensible. Optimal would be both.
China would be the ideal partner for the first alternative, and indeed: with no other country Iran has enforced and strengthend it’ economical and political relation that much as with china in recent years. But China still is not strong enough to start a war for ressources with the US. Not yet.
So only the second alternative is left. Iran needs it’s own potential for deterrence. So, despite all opposing explanations, Iran has an objective and urgent need to have it’s nuclear bomb, it is indispensible for iran if it does not want to loose it’s ability to protect it’s most natural interests all by itself. Iran would be stupid, if it WOULD NOT draw this conclusion. Ergo...
A basic question to international politics: to what extent may „strong nations“ demand „weaker nations“ to act stupid and self-damaging?
1.2.4
One also must objectively recognize, that the strategical security status of Iran has aggrevated drastically. Iran not only imagines it is surrounded by US-dominated forces – it really is surrounded that way, as a matter of fact.
Afghanistan and Pakistan in the east, Iraq and Kuwait in the west. In the northeast the instabile Turkmenistan, in northwest the NATO-member Turkey with it’s own strong ambitions to gain regional hegemony; then a little bit or Armenia and Aserbaidjan, whose oil ressources already get workd on by western companies; in the south, beyond the Gulf, Saudi-Arabia, Katar, the UAE and Oman, with more or less military presence of the US.
Add to this the traditional animosity and hostility between Persians and the Arab majority of Islam, which is for historical reasons.
1.2.5
Even more: there are already two nuclear powers in the region, of whose raise noone made a big thing: Pakistan and Israel. Why should Iran/Persia, whose people is quite proud of it’s long history, accept that it is not judged by the same scale as these two nations?
A valid, but risky argument by author. It can serve as an excuse to allow ANY nation to gain access to WMDs. To prevent proliferation may seem to be a good thing, morally, but that as an argument to not allow nations to built nukes has it’s own inner contradiction, is always split-tongued and always will offer a wide flank open for attack based on the demand for treating nations by the same laws and scales of values.
1.2.6
And finally, despite economical cooperation (this may come as a surprise for some!), Israel and Iran, officially, regard each other as hostile enemies. Israel is a nuclear power and on a high technological niveau. Iran does not have anything that comes close to Israel’s capabilities. The mutual threat-relation currently is extremely asymmetrical. Concerning WMDs, Israel is a far bigger threat for Iran, than the other way around.
Which is a valid argument for Iran. And not wanting to change that status quo is a valid interest of Israel that can be understood. There is no superior reason or logic to judge and decide this thing by, one, that is beyond selfishness and self-interest, and declares one side as beeing right, and the other side as foolish. You have to recognize the validity of both interests, then. That means this war is not about right or wrong, good or evil, just or illegal. It only is about: who is the stronger one in this confrontation? Leave values, politics, religion out of this, they do ot decide this thing. The West will try to cripple Iran’s freedom of acting, because it thinks it has the ability to do so. That simple.
Eventually gaining more influence over the oil ressources and structures of inner-Iranian oil-business by that – who should have known that a weaker Iran may be forced to lower some of it’s restrictions in that field, if after a war it struggles to survive economically, eh? No one could have known that in advance...
1.3 Conclusions – And who is drawing them
1.3.1
Both side are claiming to have most vital and essential interests. But these interests are diametrically opposite. So...
So what...? The answers of the more powerful side, according to it’s own logic, can only be one: let’s bomb Iran!
1.3.2
The powerful side – that is the US and it’s vasalls (those NATO states that are willing to accept the american‘s/Israeli‘s logic, if by conviction, foolish mind or by pragmatism is of no matter; we can assume for sure that Britain again will enjoy to be the first to line up in the first row of battle order), and beside those „democratic“ friends there will also be followers in the war on terror, who are anything but democratic (so much for the ideals of the global American mission). And of course, Israel.
How will the first attack be started? The Iraqi nuclear reactor at Osirak in summer 1981, when Iraq was said to have reached the same level of progress than Iran is said by the Israelis today, had been bombed by Israel in a solo run. The issue in Iran necessarily will be of higher callibre. The talk is of 30 installation that qualify as beeing a valid target in order to dismantle the Iranian nuclear program. But in sandbox games and according studies, as documented by James Fallows, the talk is of over 300 targets, of which at least 125 should be linked to the nuclear program – or that shall be storages for chemical or biological weapons.
should one conclude from that that we are at the point of the program where it is not only about a nuclear thread anymore, but a general biologcial and chemical thread as well? Let’s remember, now they will start to upgrade the iranian army and air defense to rank amongst the five strongest in the world. Then the first reports of most barbaric atrocities towards civilians and babies during the first Gulf war should start to drop in. Probably they use foreign babies for barbecue.
If you think you feel reminded of the talking before the Iraq war, then I hardly think that is accidental. Watch some recordings of the propaganda back then and replace the word „Iraq“ with „Iran“ – and you know where your deja-vu might come from. I just red an essay this morning, describing that in the initial stages of the Iraq war the CIA expressed time and again massive doubts over information given by the Israeli intel, and that the Pentagon also was very unhappy with the course set for war. I always have accused GWB to have abused and manipulated the CIA (which I never was that angry with during the events before the last Gulf war), and that Tennet probably was nothing more than a fall-guy (if he would have had format and backbone (and wits), he would have quit service long before the war started militarily, so I am not sad for him). Wolfowitz was said to have been enraged repeatedly by the obviously wrong and manipulative Israeli intel information that was triggering so much urgency, so was the foreign department very angry, too – but Bush believed it. We know how it ended: Bush wanted evidence for the lies he planned to give as reasons for the war, he did not order an objective search for evidence, but defined in advance what he demanded them to find - for some reason he wanted that war as much as the Israelis, although their reasons for wishing that might have been different; and so the great householder in the White House told the CIA to find his evidence that he needed so desperately, and when the CIA replied they could not find such evidence he ordered them to get him that evidence nevertheless (translates into: „if you can’t find evidence, then this does not mean that maybe there is no evidence because the situation is like that there cannot be anything suspiciously going on creating evidence, so I want you to artificially create the evidence for me, – where is the difference? It serves a good purpose – mine.“ Way to bypass a reality that did not fit into the plans. Later, the British-made desaster with that missile-warning-dossier excelled in this same tactical practise.). The missile-dossier. The Niger deal. The mobile bio-laboratories. Satellite images. Aerial images. High tech images. Other images. More images. The secret storage sites. The link to Al Quaeda. The involvement in 9/11. The nuclear program that was just months away to produce a nuclear warhead. A veil of powder sugar in the SC of the UN. – The same procedure as in every war, it already has started. My favourite PR operations were the reports on the Iraqis killing babies inside hospitals during the Kuwait invasion, the video from a fighter-bomber who shreddered a trainbridge in Kosovo and was said the pilot had no time to react to the train approaching because it was so dman fast (later it was found out that the video was played at 10x speed during the press confernece, well, train is train and bridge is bridge, don’t confuse your readers with different speeds settings, they are not used to work mentally...), and of course the heartwarming, tear-shedding wonderfull rescue of private Lynn (thank God, a woman, and a young and attractive one, too! That adds to the sympathy score for the brave rescuers: the Tarzan&Jayne-factor) during the war 2003 (thank God that two camera teams were near that place and at the right time, by chance, of course. The army does Hollywood proud!) Where as this time the British intel so far only says cautiously, that maybe in the middle of the next decade Iran may be ready to produce a nuclear warhead, it is again the Israelis pressing every gas pedal they can reach in order to start this war as soon as possible – this time they say, that Iran is just four months away from constructing the bomb. That means begin of hostilities in late April. Big PR stunt! Fear in the faces, the audience does not dare to applaude! The directors of psychological warfare against their own population at home surely had enough opportunities since CCN in Baghdad 1991 to learn to master their job with blindfolded eyes. A feeling of immediate urgency, and the feeling of fear are the keys in which their partitions are written. They play on the public’s emotions like a musician plays an organ. Hope you have a sense for music. If you still have doubts on how badly we need to get rid of Iran, probably not. Which might serve you well in this, probably. If you are deaf, you are also immune to some of the rethoric.
1.3.3
Not that Israel couldn’t run such a huge operation all by itself, without doubt it would be able to execute even bigger efforts than this. But: it would be unreasonable by them to expose themselves exclusvely to possible iranian retaliation (or general Arab anger and terror that both would be strengthened by this operation). So one can expect that the US will be participating from the very beginning, and maybe or probably will run the opening strikes even all by themselves again.
2. WAR! – AND QUICKLY, PLEASE!
2.1
All the reasons that are described so far are reasons for an attack as soon as possible. The reasons of 1.1 anyway, but also some of the reasons that from an iranian perspective speak for an increased Iranian effort to gain nuclear weapons as fast as possible. For example the geo-strategical argument in 1.2.3 At the same time, the Iranian reason to speed up their program are reasons for the West to speed up the war. And vice versa. A situation of mutual reinforcement
If a country already possesses WMDs, the risk for an attacker cannot be calculated any longer, the country thus becomes immune to foreign threats and pressure. Attacking it is no longer an option (f.e. Northkorea). Ergo...
2.2
But when will Iran possess WMDs, if their ability to gain them is not blocked? Opinions on this differ significantly. Some say it still could last several years. British sources agree on that, vaguely mentioning around ten years of time. The conservative Washington Post from 02. August 2008 also talked of the middle of the next decade. Other sources, especially Israeli sources (for example the chief of the Mossad, as quoted by German magazine „Der Spiegel“ from 6th January 2006), and sources that are tied to Israel or sympathize with Israeli interests, don’t talk of years, but months only. Four months from now on, they say.
Which is completely absurd and idiotic, imo, for three reasons: first, if they would have been so short of finishing their task, they wouldn’t have agreed to seal their installations and let work rest for that ammount of time. When they agree to do that the Western military preparations were not finsihed and probably wouldn’t have made up the time they lagged behind until the iranians were done. And second, they have started to brake the seals just days ago, and still not all installations are runnig again, while I write this, it takes time to prepare such huge plants and installation and bring them back to normal perational level again. And when that is done – the first point I mentioned here still would speak against an iranian finsih that soon. In a past topic I estimated 12-15 years, and recently I corrected that to around 8-10 years or so, and somehow I think that is a good answer to bet money on. So I see no reason or excuse for the growing hysteria with Iran currently, and a military strike this or next year. And third: if they really would have been only months away last autumn, there would have been no need for the europeans to negotiate with them again, for they wouldn’T have had someone willing to talk to them – for the Israelis already would have attacked them with or without the US, no matter what the UN-SC had said. - Concerning Ahmadinejad – let him yell, let him talk, he is a little man that now feels big, he adresses those people in his society of whom he expects they will vote him again, I don’t expect him to stay in power for the next 10 years. Wanting a big club right now, and eventually getting one in ten years are two separate things, for the forseeable future.